1960 年代末期，海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源，並且造成了周圍國家的震撼，臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是，後來為了避免國際紛爭，各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而，隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升，以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效，中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油，造成日本的強烈反應，雙方衝突不斷升級，值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因..

In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and g..

食品貿易全球化帶來了大量的經濟利益，但開放食品進口提供國內消費者更多選擇之餘，他們健康上面臨的風險也越來越高。易言之，食品貿易在締造財富的同時，也在威脅我們每一個人的飲食衛生安全。在出口國透過食品貿易賺取經濟利潤之際，進口國公共衛生安全法規的自主性也受到挑戰。全球食品貿易機展的越快，主權國家面臨公共衛生與貿易自由化兩種法益權衡與選擇的困境就越強;一方面國家有義務保障本國人民的健康，但一方面其也必須遵守世界貿易組俄 (WTO) 架構下的食品安全規範。 有別於傳統的安全研究，本文主張..

The globalization of trade in food has brought great economic benefits Food imports have expanded consumer choices but have also resulted in higher health risk. ln other words, food trade has generated money and threatened the health of individual at the same time. While conferring tangible economic benefits on the states, the expansion of global commerce also has posed considerable challenges for their food safety regulatory structure. In light of the expansion of food trade, the sovereign state's regulatory system has been faced with ..

本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..

地方立法權是代表地方人民行使意思表達的權力，亦是民主國家地方自治體的最核心權力。如何在府際合作中持續地方立法權的功能與職責，以落實地方自治，是本研究的問題意識。本研究以府際合作的地方立法權之角色為核心，首先，探討地方自治體中地方立法權的角色 ; 其次，審視府際合作中地方立法機關之定位 ; 最後，以日本的廣域行政制度為例，剖析地方立法權在其中所扮演之角色。

Local legislative power is the representative authority that executes the will of the local people and is the pivot of authority within the local government in democratic countries. How to maintain the functions and duties of the local legislature under the intergovernmental cooperation system, and thereby lead to the fulfillment of local self-government is the central problem of this paper. Focusing on the local legislative power under intergovernmental cooperation, this paper will explore the role of local legislative power in the local g..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..