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論能源憲章條約之現代化與原則性協議
On the Modernization of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Agreement in Principle
李貴英
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

能源憲章條約於1998年生效,目前有54個簽署方,大部分位於歐洲與中亞地區。其目的為保障外國投資人免受地主國不當之管制或政治干預,包括訴諸投資人與地主國爭端解決機制之途徑。2018年啟動該條約之現代化談判,歷經約五年談判後,2022年6月24日能源憲章大會通過原則性協議,完成ECT之修正內容。雖然談判結果未將化石燃料投資排除於保障範圍之外,不過該條約現代化所帶來之實質性改變仍有所進展。儘管如此,部分歐盟會員國宣布退出能源憲章條約,歐盟執委會亦隨之展開協調歐盟及其會員國退出該條約。根據該條..

The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) came into force in 1998 and is currently signed by 54 countries, mostly in Europe and Central Asia. Its purpose is to protect foreign investments from regulatory or political interferences of host State, including through investor-State dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS). A negotiation to modernize the agreement was launched in 2018. On 24 June 2022, after five years of negotiations, the Energy Charter Conference Member States reached an Agreement in Principle regarding revisions to the ECT. Despite a crushin..

網路上的右翼民粹政黨: 德國另類選擇黨的臉書經營模式分析
Right Wing Populist Party on the Internet: An Analysis on the AfD’s Mode of Running Facebook
沈有忠
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

過去幾年來,民粹與右翼的政治勢力在許多民主國家持續成長,尤其是歐洲地區。以德國為例,「德國另類選擇黨」(AfD)以反歐盟、反移民政策為代表,並且在2017年聯邦眾議院選舉中,一口氣以12.6%的得票率拿下94席成為第三大黨,也是最大的在野黨。後續在2021年的選舉中, AfD拿下10.3%的選票,維持一定的影響力。在當前右翼、民粹的政治勢力對民主形成的挑戰中,社群媒體中的臉書成為一個重要的工具性角色。在臉書的經營策略上,右翼、民粹的政黨往往以聳動、煽動的言語攻擊既有的體制與主流政黨,激化..

In the past few years, the right-wing populist parties are rising in many democracies especially in Europe. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is known for its opposition to the EU and immigration policy of Germany. AfD has won 94 seats (12.6%) in the 2017 German Federal Election and became the third largest party as well as the largest opposition party. In the 2021 Federal Election, AfD still won 10.3% of the vote and 83 seats. In this wave of populist forces on democracy, social media plays an important role. In terms ..

外在威脅與選舉競爭:2020年總統選舉的分析
External Threat and Electoral Competition: An Analysis of 2020 Presidential Election in Taiwan
陳陸輝
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

本研究從民眾認知外在威脅的觀點,分析其在2020年的總統選舉中,如何影響其投票行為。在2019年的年初,中國國家主席習近平提出「一國兩制,台灣方案」之後,蔡英文總統給予強力的回應,伴隨同年六月間香港升高的「反送中運動」,讓中華民國會不會因為中國大陸的威脅而消失的「亡國感」發酵,成為影響2020年選舉的重要關鍵。 本研究運用在2020年的選舉前後執行的定群追蹤調查,分析民眾是否具有「亡國感」的感受。我們發現,擔心因為被中國大陸統一而讓中華民國消失的民眾比較較高,超過五成一。我們進一..

From the perspective of possible external threat, this study analyzes how voters’ perceptions of external threat might affect their vote choice in the 2020 Presidential election in Taiwan. After Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the ‘one country, two systems’ Taiwan formula” in January of 2019, President Tsai Ing-wen gave a strong response. Along with the “Anti-Extradition Movement” in Hong Kong in June of the same year, the “sense of national subjugation (wangguo gan)” fermented by the pos..

政體類型和能源價格補貼
Regime Type and Energy Price Subsidy
吳親恩 (中央研究院政治學研究所副研究員)
62卷3期(2023/09/01)

本文研究政體類型與包括稅前和租稅補貼在內的能源補貼間的關係,並討論這種關係如何被通貨膨脹程度所制約。文中指出不同政權的生存邏輯和不同類型能源補貼的成本,是影響民主和威權政府能源補貼政策差異的重要因素。稅前補貼需要政府編列預算支應部分能源供應的成本,政府不易迴避。因為威權政體優先考量社會穩定,所以在稅前燃料補貼上的支出比民主政體來得多。租稅補貼是指刻意不對能源商品使用的外部性進行賦稅,處理外部性的重要性沒有滿足人民基本物資價格的穩定來得高,而且提供這些補貼的成本可以留給未來世代,所以兩種政..

This paper examines the relationship between regime type and energy subsidies, including pre-tax and tax subsidies, and discusses how these relationships are mediated by the degree of inflation. The paper suggests that the logic of political survival and the costs of energy subsidies are two of the main factors shaping energy subsidy policies. Pre-tax subsidies require the government to budget for part of the cost, which is not easy for the government to avoid. Since authoritarian regimes prioritize social stability, they spend more on pre-..

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