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誰遙遙領先:論美中科技權力評估
Leadership in Technology: Analyzing the USChina Dynamic in Technological Power
周冠竹
63卷3期(2024/09/01)

隨著拜登政府(Biden Administration)對中國半導體、人工智慧以及資通訊產業進行制裁,美中兩大強權於科技領域內競爭態勢已經形成。學者與政府官員對於中國挑戰美國科技霸權感到憂慮。然而當前國際關係領域缺乏對總體科技實力建構有效測量指標,導致在衡量中國科技權力上產生偏誤。因此,本文從金融權力、人力資本和智慧財產三個面向出發,建構了一套測量國家總體科技權力的指標。從指標中可發現,儘管中國已成為科技強國之一,但其與美國之間仍存在顯著差距。透過比較個案研究發現相比於美國開放社會帶來金..

As the Biden administration imposes sanctions on China’s semiconductor, artificial intelligence, and information and communication industries, a competitive stance in the technological arena has been established between the two powers, the United States and China. Scholars and government officials are concerned about China’s challenge to the US’s technological hegemony. However, there is a lack of effective measurement indicators for overall technological capability in the current field of international relations, lead..

深度學「習」:以自然語言處理方法研究 「習近平重要講話」意識形態與時序變化趨勢
Deep Learning “Xi”: Using Natural Language Processing Important Ideology Model and Timeseries Trends in “Xi Jinping’s Speech”
邵軒磊
63卷3期(2024/09/01)

「習近平之發言作為」成為觀察中共政治情勢的核心指標,其個人思想也成為中共政治的重要動力。本研究試圖回答:「習近平意識形態體系特徵與其思想時序變化」,特別是與毛主義的關係。本研究之方法為「計算政治學/計算中國研究」,使用計算機為核心來探索人力難以發現的部分。具體而言,蒐集「習近平系列重要講話資料庫」中之講話文本,作為分析語料。使用程式技術如文字探勘(text mining)、自然語言處理(natural language processing)與深度學習(deep learning)演算法..

Xi Jinping’s activities have become the core focus of the CCP’s political landscape, and his ideology has emerged as a significant driving force in Chinese politics. This study aims to answer the question: “What are the characteristics of Xi Jinping’s ideological system and its chronological evolution?” particularly in relation to Maoism. The methodology of this research is rooted in “computational politics/computational Chinese studies,” utilizing computational methods to explore aspects that are d..

憲政體制對COVID-19疫情的回應: 台灣半總統制經驗的研究
How Systems of Government Respond to COVID-19 Pandemic: A Study of Taiwan’s Semi-Presidentialism
陳宏銘
63卷3期(2024/09/01)

本文基於一國憲政體制類型會影響政府在COVID-19疫情時運作的方式,嘗試探討台灣半總統制政府如何回應疫情。研究焦點放在中央政府層次,探討總統、行政院院長、疫情指揮中心(指揮官)以及國會等部門的運作,並考量一致性政府和總統兼黨主席等因素的影響。研究發現,在總統權力優勢的半總統制下,蔡英文總統在處理疫情上的角色是多重的,藉由總統和黨主席雙重身份,她既是主要政策決定者,也同時介入政策執行的督導和措施的指示。相對而言,行政院院長暨其領導的相關部會仍是因應疫情的行政主體,不過因疫情指揮中心和指揮..

Based on the fact that the type of government system will affect the way the government operates during the COVID-19 epidemic, this article attempts to explore how Taiwan’s semi-presidential government handled the epidemic. The focus of the study is on the central government level, exploring the operations of the president, the president of the Executive Yuan, the epidemic command center (commander), and Congress, and considering the impact of factors such as unified government and the fact that the president is the chairman of a poli..

研究中國外交還需要國際關係理論嗎?
Do We Still Need International Relations Theory to Study Chinese Foreign Policy?
張廖年仲
63卷2期(2024/06/01)

近年來國際關係理論面臨可能終結的危機,國際關係理論的三大典範:現實主義、自由主義與建構主義的發展呈現停滯的狀態,理論與政策應用之間的鴻溝也逐漸加深,以中程理論為導向的經驗研究逐漸取代了傳統國際關係理論強調通則化與系統性的分析架構。儘管國際關係理論仍有其重要性,但不論現實主義、自由主義與建構主義皆沒有預測到中國的崛起對國際政治所造成的變化,美國學界也開始反思過去對華交往政策的國際關係理論基礎。就臺灣的研究者而言,隨著從事中國大陸研究的限制增加,研究中國外交是否還能像過去那樣地依賴國際關係理..

In recent years, international relations theory has faced a potential crisis of obsolescence. The development of the three major paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—has stagnated, and the gap between theory and policy implications has widened. Empirical research guided by middle-range theories are replacing traditional international relations theory that emphasize generalization and systematic frameworks. Although international relations theory remains important, neither realism, liberalism, nor constructivism have..

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