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新區域間主義下的歐盟印太戰略: 以歐盟與東協「開路者」協定為例
The EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in New Interregionalism: The Case of EU-ASEAN Pathfinder Agreements
荊柏鈞(Bo-Jiun Jing) 謝笠天(Pasha L. Hsieh)
即將出版
61卷1期(2022/03/01)

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙,歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」,並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上,歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響,已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義(Third Interregionalism)」發展;除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定,並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力,而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

土耳其在敘利亞北部出兵行動的戰略思考
Turkey’s Strategic Considerations on Military Deployments in Northern Syria
王順文 (Shun-Wen Wang)
即將出版
61卷1期(2022/03/01)

本文以角色理論的分析架構探討土耳其於敘利亞北部所開展的三次軍事行動,包括:2016年「幼發拉底之盾行動」、2018年「橄欖枝行動」與2019年「和平之泉行動」。角色理論探討國家與他者互動過程中「驅動菁英的行為」,同時討論「國內政治與制度」,如何透過領導人而呈現出外交政策的樣貌,究係關心他者反應的「角色接受者」,或是強調自我認同的「角色創造者」?是強調國家利益的「獨立角色」?亦或是在乎他者認同的「互動角色」? 據此,本文第一部分將從角色理論與土耳其過去的角色定位談起,進而分析三次行動下..

This paper deals with Turkey’s military deployments, including “Operation Euphrates Shield in 2016, Operation Olive Branch in 2018 and Operation Peace Spring in 2019 with theoretical analysis of “role theory”. Scholars of role theory focus on interactive process of “State” and “Others”. They not only analyze “what motivates political elites’ behavior”, but also discuss domestic politics and institution and their impacts on leaders and foreign policies. In response to other st..

機會主義者: 英國、美國、台灣與李光耀的總理路(1955-1959)
Opportunist: Britain, America, Taiwan and Lee Kuan Yew’s Road to Prime Minister, 1955-1959
劉曉鵬(Philip Hsiaopong Liu)
即將出版
61卷1期(2022/03/01)

主流國際關係學者認為,美國在冷戰時期尊重英國在新加坡的殖民地位,故不干涉英國內政,也不介入獨立前新加坡的政治。此外,由於李光耀的反共形象,學者亦少質疑他與美國的友誼;而族群與意識形態接近的台灣,也常被認為與李光耀交好。本文以檔案與國際關係文獻為核心,回顧1950年代李光耀與英國、美國及台灣之間的關係,尋找李光耀不同的面貌。 本文發現李光耀因其行為親北京,使英國與美國產生很大的爭辯,導致美國介入新加坡政治,迥異於主流學者的認知。身為殖民主的英國熟悉新加坡的華人認同政治,認為李光耀是機會..

Many scholars concur US acceptance of Britain’s colonial policies during the Cold War, and therefore rarely study the phenomenon of American intervention in British internal affairs especially with regard to pre-independence Singapore politics. Moreover, because of popular perceptions of Lee Kuan Yew's anti-communist stance, scholars seldom question his relationship with Washington. Taiwan, due to its ethnic and ideological proximity with Singapore, was also widely believed to be friendly towards Lee. Using archival research, this..

「漁捕實體」概念在區域漁業管理組織實踐之研究:以我國已成為會員之組織為例
Analysis on the Practice of ‘Fishing Entities’ Concept in Regional Fisheries Management Organizations: Special References on Organizations that Taiwan Has Become Members
魏仲伶(Chung-Ling Wei)高世明(Shih-Ming Kao)
即將出版
60卷4期(2021/12/01)

我國身為遠洋漁捕大國,但受限於國家身分不被聯合國及大多數國家承認,無法參與或加入大多數的國際組織,包括區域漁業管理組織在內。為此,「1995年聯合國魚群協定」遂創造了「漁捕實體」一詞,為我國開啟參與國際組織的一個機會之窗。雖是如此,我國以「漁捕實體」之身分參與區域漁業管理組織所適用之程序及享有之權利,在不同組織與不同時期均有所差異。在早期中西太平洋漁業委員會(WCPFC)及美洲熱帶鮪類委員會(IATTC)中,「漁捕實體」所適用之程序及享有之權利幾乎與國家之「..

As one of the distant water fishing nations (DWFNs) in the world, Taiwan is not able to participate in or access the works of many international organizations, including regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), due to the fact that Taiwan’s statehood is not recognized by the United Nations and most States. The term “Fishing Entities” was created in the 1995 United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (UNFSA), in which it has also opened a window of opportunity for Taiwan in the participation of internat..

糧食安全與貿易自由化關係之研究: 以改革開放後的中國為例
On the Relationship between Food Security and Trade Liberalization: A Case Study of China after Reform and Opening
楊雅婷(Ya-Ting Yang)陳柏琪(Po-Chi Chen)張靜貞(Ching-Cheng Chang)徐世勳(Shih-Hsun Hsu)
即將出版
60卷4期(2021/12/01)

中國自1978年改革開放以來,隨著快速的工業化與城市化的發展,國家糧食安全與糧食自給率的確保一直受到高度的重視。然隨著2001年加入世界貿易組織,國際農產品貿易日趨熱絡,糧食自給率逐漸下降,因此引發一個問題,即中國糧食安全程度是否逐漸惡化?糧食安全與貿易自由化是互補關係,抑或是互斥關係?本研究利用經濟學人信息社(Economist Intelligence Unit,以下簡稱:EIU)建構的全球糧食安全指標(Global Food Security Inde..

Food self-sufficiency rate has been the major food security indicator for policy decision-making in China for a very long time. However, after reform and opening the country with increasing international trade, the self-sufficiency ratio of food has gradually decreased, which raises the question, is there a gradual deterioration of China’s food security? This study uses the Global Food Security Index (GFSI) constructed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), consisting of three sub-indexes, namely affordability, avail..

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