橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已是某種或然性規律，不僅未因世局變遷而消弭，今日更成為俄羅斯與中國之間的兩難困境與潛在負面變數。本文擬由身分政治角度切入，解構促使黃禍論於冷戰後復萌之無形雙重觀念結構-俄中關係與俄國內部互動。除藉以揭示黃禍論的深層蘊含外，亦對其進行中長期預測，希冀藉由建構主義就黃禍論的釋疑，推導「跨層次/情境習得轉化」論點，讓國際政治與國內政治雙向互動的研究不再僅是某種未落實的隱喻，從而為建構主義中層理論增添新的實徵案例，並作為層次分析學理的補..

Yellow Peril in the Russian Far East, spanning more than one hundred years, has already become a probabilistic law. It does not fade with time, and has already been the dilemma and the potential negative variable between Russia and China. The thesis attempts to analyze Yellow Peril from a perspective of identity politics, and to deconstruct Russo-Chinese relationships and Russia’s domestic interaction, because the dual intangible idea structures awakened contemporary Yellow Peril after the Cold War. Such an approach not..

過去數十年來，外來直接投資出現大幅的成長，跨國企業在經濟全球化的過程中扮演益發重要的角色。然而，跨國企業在進行海外投資時多少會遭遇到來自地主國的政治風險，而導致經營損失或人員傷亡。國際關係學界中，商業自由主義者認為，商業活動與軍事衝突環境無法相容，軍事衝突將對跨國企業的海外投資造成負面影響。對此，本文從跨國企業的角度，分析軍事衝突在跨國企業進行政治風險評估中的地位，進而主張跨國企業的產業異質性將導致不同產業的跨國企業，對軍事衝突作出不同的認知與回應。因此，迥..

Over the past decades, foreign direct investment(FDI)has grown significantly. The role of multinational corporations(MNCs)has become more important in terms of facilitating the process of economic globalization. Nevertheless, while conducting investment overseas, MNCs inevitably face the uncertainty of political risks, including militarized conflict, in host countries, which may deter MNCs’ investment and lead to decrease in FDI inflow. Based on this logic, commercial liberalism argues that commerce cannot exist in a co..

本文檢視在後冷戰時代石油美元機制對美國霸權之影響，並關注美國領導地位在 1991 年波灣、2003 年伊拉克與 2011 年利比亞等戰爭中的角色。在處理國際事務中，美國霸權逐漸採行單邊行動，因而產生合法性危機之質疑。因此自 1990 年以來，美國便宣稱願意承擔昂貴之經濟成本與犧牲其國家之利益，以便與他國建立聯盟共同對抗流氓國家之威脅。美國能以維繫穩定之國際經濟秩序，與贏得反恐作戰之合法性名義發動先制戰爭。為了理解這一看似非理性之行為，根基於 Pierre B..

This paper explores the impact of petrodollar mechanism on the hegemony of the United States in the post-Cold War era. It particularly focuses on the two wars against Iraq respectively in 1991 and in 2003 and the Libyan war in 2011, all under the leadership of the U.S. The U.S. hegemony has been experiencing a legitimacy crisis caused by its increasing tendency towards unilateral actions in international affairs. In order to form alliances among Western nations to confront the rogue states, the U.S. government has demonstrate..

混合式選制融合了多數決與比例代表兩種選制的精神，不過關於此種選制兩票架構對投票的影響，有兩種截然不同的主張:一是認為兩票各自獨立運作，其影響可以獨立估算;另一派則主張兩票抉擇會相互影響，亦即具有所謂連動效果(interaction effects，或稱感染效果 contamination effects)的存在，因此必須綜合考量兩票架構的互動關係。而在日本施行的混合選制，又因允許候選人在兩種選票間重複提名，更使得其兩票間的連動關係益形複雜。 ..

The Mixed Electoral System combines the spirits of plurality and proportional representation. The way two-ballot structure influencing the voting behavior however is not settled. Of the two distinctive schools, one believed that two ballots work separately and therefore, their influences should be estimated independently. The other group advocated the existence of contamination effects (or interaction effects), and believed that it is necessary to consider the interaction between two ballots. As for the Mixed- Member Majorita..

國際原子能總署(IAEA)所倡議之核燃料多邊化方案，試圖透過多邊化機制，設立 IAEA 核燃料銀行，集中全球核燃料的生產、供應與銷售，從而避免各國在製造和平使用目的核燃料的保護傘下，研發並製作核武級原料，增加核武擴散之風險。IAEA 核燃料循環多邊化倡議之發展，涉及一國能否取得民用核燃料之供應保證，擁有核濃縮與再處理權利，以及擁有再處理技術會否遭遇國際制約的問題。該等倡議一旦成形，即可能開啟核條約課予第三國義務之濫觴，並衝擊 NPT 締約國和平使用核能之權益..

The nuclear fuel multilateral program promoted by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) attempts to use multilateral mechanisms to establish the IAEA Nuclear Fuel Bank, in order to concentrate the worldwide production, supply and sale of nuclear fuel. The purpose of the program is to prevent countries from, under the guise of producing nuclear fuel for peaceful aims, to research, develop and manufacture weapon-grade nuclear raw materials, which increases the risk of nuclear proliferation. The development of IAEA multi..