俄羅斯擁有世界最多的天然氣、第二大煤礦及第八大原油蘊藏量，這些豐富的天然資源使俄羅斯具備實施能源外交的優越地緣政治經濟條件。從二十一世紀開始，俄羅斯已經逐漸改變前蘇聯政府時期依靠軍事與政治力量來確保其國際地位的策略，轉而利用天然資源，特別是豐富的天然氣，作為經濟發展與對外關係的重要手段。而普欽政府將天然氣的營運與巨大獲益全都收歸國家管理及控制，是其得以將此一能源權力發展為對歐洲外交戰略與恢復過去大國地位的基礎。本文擬以蘇珊‧史翠菊(Susan Strange..

Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the eighth-largest crude oil reserves. These plentiful natural resources allow Russia to obtain excellent geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions to carry out its foreign energy strategies. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has transformed from former USSR’s foreign policy which depended on military and political powers for ensuring its international position into the current policy of utilizing natural resourc..

東協各國政府廣泛地認為，南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國，因此，東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」，而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊，印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協，如何回應南海緊張局勢的..

The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making s..

觀察歐盟統合，歐盟 2004 年東擴是一項重要事件，因為透過東擴，歐盟將原屬於共產集團的中東歐國家納入歐盟會員國，並將歐盟價值規範與制度運作融入了中東歐新會員國的政治、經濟與社會生活之中，這一項成就讓歐洲大陸的和平與穩定局面大步向前;歐盟東擴後，歐盟對外關係研究主軸擴散到歐盟與鄰近國家交往，以歐盟睦鄰政策作為主要政策工具。歐盟的基本假定是，如果歐盟東擴取得豐碩成果，歐盟應該繼續複製東擴經驗、以誘因方式繼續向東擴散歐盟的理念與制度。但實際觀察睦鄰政策推動過程，..

The studies of EU’s Incentive Policy in its eastern and southern area have gained prominence in the literature. These findings suggest that the top- down/ bottom-up norms diffusion and adaptive learning process are helpful for the spread of democratization in new member and acceding states. More recently, after the completion of EU’s eastern enlargement, increasing studies are expanded to Eastern European countries; Ukraine and other eastern partners become the focal points of methodological objectives. The advent..

1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出，美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式，為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析，探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動，可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止，如 1996 年臺海危機，美國主動強化美臺軍事關係，增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下，國際組織有過度的舉止，如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位，..

Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..

橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已是某種或然性規律，不僅未因世局變遷而消弭，今日更成為俄羅斯與中國之間的兩難困境與潛在負面變數。本文擬由身分政治角度切入，解構促使黃禍論於冷戰後復萌之無形雙重觀念結構-俄中關係與俄國內部互動。除藉以揭示黃禍論的深層蘊含外，亦對其進行中長期預測，希冀藉由建構主義就黃禍論的釋疑，推導「跨層次/情境習得轉化」論點，讓國際政治與國內政治雙向互動的研究不再僅是某種未落實的隱喻，從而為建構主義中層理論增添新的實徵案例，並作為層次分析學理的補..

Yellow Peril in the Russian Far East, spanning more than one hundred years, has already become a probabilistic law. It does not fade with time, and has already been the dilemma and the potential negative variable between Russia and China. The thesis attempts to analyze Yellow Peril from a perspective of identity politics, and to deconstruct Russo-Chinese relationships and Russia’s domestic interaction, because the dual intangible idea structures awakened contemporary Yellow Peril after the Cold War. Such an approach not..