新現實主義針對外部平衡提出了許多的模型，但卻未能說明國家為何，以及如何在不同類型的內部平衡間進行選擇，以回應外在的壓力。要解釋一國在軍事政策上的變化，必須以一種結合體系與單元雙層次變數的理論進行分析，而這種理論的基礎即是目前方興未艾的新古典現實主義。不過，新古典現實主義雖注意到了單元層次的重要性，卻仍忽略了國家行為邏輯的雙重性，亦即，國家除了權衡利害關係(後果性邏輯)以做出決策外，在此過程中，也會受到文化因素(適當性邏輯)的影響。本研究即是希望能夠透過理論綜..

There are many models of external balancing based on neo-realism. Nevertheless, not all can interpret why and how states choose among different types of internal balancing strategies to response the extrinsic stress. To understand the change of a state’s military policy, neoclassical realism integrates the system-level and unit-level variables. However, it still ignores the dual nature of the logic of state’s action, namely, besides interest, the influence of culture. Hence, a new “secure arming” model..

1996 年 6 月，日本批准聯合國海洋法公約，同年 7 月公布專屬經濟海域與大陸礁層法。由於日本許多小島鄰近臺灣，兩國經濟海域嚴重重疊，漁權糾紛隨即產生。另一方面，日本與中國在東海也出現了專屬經濟海域重疊的問題。為了規範所屬國民所從事之漁撈活動，中、日於 1996 年 4 月展開有關海洋法及漁業之談判，並在島嶼主權爭議未解決、專屬經濟海域劃界未完成的情況下，簽訂了漁業協定。本文的研究目的即在探討中日漁業協定的談判經過與協定內容，希望藉此了解日本在海域劃界與..

In June of 1996, Japan sanctioned the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and later announced the law on the exclusive economic zone and the continental shelf. Many islands belonging to Japan are in proximity to Taiwan; the exclusive economic zone of two countries overlapped seriously, and the fisheries disputes are frequent. In addition, Japan and China also have the same problem in the East China Sea. In order to manage fishing activities, China and Japan have engaged in negotiations on the law of the sea and f..

我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

本文從批判性地緣政治 ( critical geopolitics ) 的角度，藉由波士尼亞戰爭 ( 1992-1995 年 )此一案例，探討後冷戰時期美國的外交政策。深受國際關係後實證主義 ( post-positivism) 的影響，批判性地緣政治旨在問題化(problematize) 地緣政治的思想，主張地緣政治的基本元素，例如主權、領土、疆界、民族國家等，其意義不是既定的，而是社會實踐的結果。外交政策的功能之一，即是藉由賦予特定「他者」一個地緣政治的意義，建構或合理化國家的政策還..

This paper uses the approach of critical geopolitics to study the US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, with the Bosnian war (1992-1995) being the empirical case. Influenced by the stream of post-positivism in International Relations (IR), critical geopolitics aims at problematizing traditional geopolitical thinking, holding that the meaning of concepts such as sovereignty, territory, boundary, nation-state, and so on, is not given and fixed, but is a construct of social practices. One function of foreign policy is thus to give an &ld..

權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..