德國地方政府的行政區域重劃源自十九世紀末,甚至更早以前,不過,實施的範圍有限,而且主要集中在工業發達的魯爾區(Ruhrgebiet)。一直到 1960 年代因為社會變遷、經濟蓬勃發展,機動性的提高,人民對地方政府的要求不斷提高,而地方政府卻因為規模太小、行政能力薄弱,難以滿足人民的需求。而另一方面,由於地方自治的實質內容減少,地方自治的意義不斷被質疑,於是為了強化地方政府的治理能力、提升地方政府的行政能力和效率以及落實地方自治的精神,德國各邦政府從 1960..
The territorial reform in Germany at the local government level began in the end of the 19th century or even earlier. But the scale and the scope of its implementation was very limited and happened in the majority of cases in the Ruhr area. During the 1960s, the social situation had changed greatly, the economy boomed, and the mobility increased; the demand of people for local government had gradually enhanced on the one hand, but the real substance of self-administration had evidently reduced, so that the meaning of self- ad..
民眾政治態度的研究中,政治信任感一直是學者關注的重要主題。本研究以 2004 年總統選舉期間,民眾政治信任感的變化為重點,分析發生在本次總統選舉的「三一九槍擊案」,是否會對於民眾政治信任感產生影響。民眾對選舉過程的程序公正性評估,是否會影響民眾的政治信任感,也是本研究分析的重點。 本研究運用政治大學選舉研究中心在 2004 年選舉前後所進行的定群追蹤研究資料以及在選後執行的訪問資料進行分析,結果發現:民眾在選舉前後,其政治信任感並未產生..
Political trust is an important topic in the field of political attitude research. The focus of this paper is on the changes and continuity in the level of political trust during the 2004 presidential election in Taiwan. We examine the impacts that the controversial March 19 shooting attempt had on political trust. We also explore whether or not evaluations of the procedural fairness of the presidential campaign affect political trust. This study employs panel data collected before and after the 2004 presidential e..
2006年9月19日泰國爆發字1991年以來首次的軍事政變,結束了長達近一年的反塔克辛運動,總理塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)被迫下台並流亡海外,臨時政府預計將以一年的時間進行政治改革,修訂新憲法與重新舉行國會大選,塔克辛時代正式宣告結束。事實上,2001年時塔克辛率領泰愛泰黨(Thai Rak Thai Party)以極大的差距擊敗民主黨(Democrat Party),順利當選泰國總理,歷經四年的執政之後,再度於2005年獲得連任。儘管塔克辛具有龐大民意的支持,但由於..
The first coup d’etat since 1991 in Thailand on 19 September 2006 ended not only the year-long anti-Thaksin demonstrations, but also Thaksin’s political career. The provisional government, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, organized by the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR), was determined to restore a democratic government, to revise the new constitution, and hold a general election within one year. In the 2001 general election, Thaksin Shinawatra led the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party and triumphantly defeated the Democratic Pa..
印巴關係一直是南亞區域安全的焦點,而印巴自兩國獨立之後就擺盪在戰爭與和談之間,長久以來對喀什米爾(Kashmir)主權的認知無法達成共 識。本文的論點是,「安全困境」(security dilemma)不一定是印巴關係的宿命。兩國之間的戰或和,多半取決於主要決策者在面對國內各利益團體及國際的壓力時,基於維持權力的目的,做出決策所造成的結果。本文將以 1998-2004 年期間印巴和平進程為例,探討印巴兩國在國際、國內環境及領導利益等因素影響之下所做的決策,如..
This article will examine the relations between India and Pakistan during 1998-2004 and study how decisions made by leaders of India and Pakistan under domestic and international pressure had influenced India- Pakistan relations. The article argues that the India-Pakistan relations will not necessarily be trapped in the "security dilemma." The relations between the two countries for a large part depend on the decisions of major policymakers based on the goal of maintaining power as well as foreign players such as th..
從兩次世界大戰至今,國際政治結構與秩序發生幾次重大的轉變。集體安全制度的形成、戰爭形態的改變、以及全球化與區域化發展所帶來新的問題與威脅等,使傳統「中立」制度與觀念面臨存廢的挑戰。另一方面,實踐上,有關「中立」概念的主張與應用卻始終存在。有鑒於此,本文擬從國際政治發展的不同階段,以宏觀的角度來探討「中立」概念的源起以及法律與政策面的發展與轉變,嘗試對「中立」概念在現代國際秩序中的角色與作用進行理論和實踐的觀察與分析。 從法律層面來看,傳..
Since the two World Wars, the structure and order of international politics have undergone considerable changes. In particular, the creation of the collective security system, new forms of warfare and new problems and threats emerging from globalization and regionalization, challenge the value of “neutrality” in the new international environment. But in practice, contrary to stated facts, states continue to make use of the concept under international law or in international politics. Thus, this article tries to pr..
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