本研究擬針對 Journal Citation Report(JCR)政治學門的期刊排序進行探討，以期國內政治學界就此問題上建立新共識，其重點在於:整理一套具有時間縱軸的資料庫，建立一套包括政治學次領域(政治理論、國際關係、公共行政、比較政治、區域研究)的期刊排序，提供一套政治學門個別國際期刊特別屬性的質化背景資料，並對國內政治學界提出是否擴大現有 SSCI 期刊名單的建議。  

This research utilizes the Journal Citation Report’s ranking order of political science as a reference in order to fashion an understanding among the Taiwanese scholarly community. The research aims to the following goals: 1). To set up a longitudinal time series data set, 2). to incorporate all the subsets of political science journal rank order, including political theories, international relations, public administration, comparative politics, area studies, and 3). to provide a qualitative reference data set on all po..

在調查資料的累積下，研究者可運用計量方法來進行以「比較問題」為目的之實證研究。在問題取向上除了針對特定主題進行跨年度的比較外，學者也關注不同國家或區域的比較研究，也可依理論設定，對特定標的從事比較問題設定。 本文的目的在於從方法論出發，探討從事計量研究時所應關切的比較問題邏輯。首先，作者說明比較研究的問題本質，並提出比較單元與分析單位異同時的不同研究架構;接著進一步討論在比較的架構下，如何運用適當計量模型設定方式，方能對於比較問題提出直..

In recent years, it is possible that researchers apply quantitative method to comparative inquiries by the accumulation of cross-sectional survey data. Accordingly, some political scientists start to explore and study comparative inquiries tested by pooled cross sectional data, sorted by the units such as time, countries and some specific subjects guided through theoretical postulates. This paper is concerned about the logic and application of quantitative research methodologically, especially in comparative inquir..

本文主要目的在分析東協國家對此一波「東亞區域」合作與整合的認知差異，以此分析此一波以東協為核心的東亞合作發展的前景。東亞區域經濟合作與整合是一個多元且複雜的過程，此一波的合作中，東協國家始終強調要扮演掌舵者的角色，並堅持各項以「東協加三」為基礎的合作都要在東協的組織架構中進行，希望對東亞區域的合作議程有實際的主導權。然而，在實踐上，東協國家之間的合作模式本來就較容易受外力的影響，面對中國、日本所提議不同版本的合作，東協成員之間有不同程度的吸引及排斥，也造成了..

The purpose of this paper is to examine perceived differences among the ASEAN countries toward East Asia regional cooperation and integration, and to analyze the prospect of recent regional cooperation with ASEAN members in the foremost position of such development. Regional economic cooperation and integration in East Asia is a diversified and complicated process. Since the beginning, ASEAN countries have been emphasizing on their principal role in leading the process. They want to play a dominant role in influencing the age..

自蘇聯解體後，在獨立國協境內發生了大規模的族群重新配置的現象，其中又以散佈在中亞、高加索與波羅的海等地區，數量超過二千五百萬的俄羅斯人最為顯著。環繞著這些俄羅斯人的重要課題之一，即是其新的認同形塑的問題。透過對此課題的了解，多樣的認同的存在，不只單是平行的現象，而是一種同一的多層次結構，彼此並不必然會在認同選擇的過程中出現衝突。  

After Soviet Union disunited, ethnic groups redistributed on a large scale in the Commonwealth of Independence States, especially for the Russian exceeding twenty-five million around Central Asia, Caucasus and the area of Baltic Sea. Among these Russians, one of the significant issues is the formation of their new political identity. By understanding this issue, the existence of multiple identities is not only a parallel phenomenon, but also a multiple-layered structure that does not necessarily result in conflict in the proc..

台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..