自蘇聯解體後，在獨立國協境內發生了大規模的族群重新配置的現象，其中又以散佈在中亞、高加索與波羅的海等地區，數量超過二千五百萬的俄羅斯人最為顯著。環繞著這些俄羅斯人的重要課題之一，即是其新的認同形塑的問題。透過對此課題的了解，多樣的認同的存在，不只單是平行的現象，而是一種同一的多層次結構，彼此並不必然會在認同選擇的過程中出現衝突。  

After Soviet Union disunited, ethnic groups redistributed on a large scale in the Commonwealth of Independence States, especially for the Russian exceeding twenty-five million around Central Asia, Caucasus and the area of Baltic Sea. Among these Russians, one of the significant issues is the formation of their new political identity. By understanding this issue, the existence of multiple identities is not only a parallel phenomenon, but also a multiple-layered structure that does not necessarily result in conflict in the proc..

台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

本文旨在探討台北縣選民在 2005 年縣長與鄉鎮市長兩個不同層級選舉中的一致與分裂投票行為。本研究的重點在強調:欲瞭解選民於不同層級選舉中的投票行為，不但要關注各個層級選舉影響因素的異同，更需考量到兩項公職同時選舉時可能產生的相互影響。因此在本文中，除概述台北縣選民在這兩種選舉中的一致與分裂投票情形之外，亦嘗試以隨機效用(random utility)理論，推演兼顧上述兩個特性的雙變數「聯立式機率單元模型」 (simultaneous equations p..

This article examines the first ever simultaneous local elections of county and township magistrates in Taiwan in December, 2005. We argue that in order to fully understand the voting choices in simultaneous inter-level elections scholars need to take account not only those factors affecting each level’s election but also the interactions between different levels. There are two competing theories concerning the flow of causal influences, i.e., the bottom-up mass mobilization hypothesis and the top-down coat-tail effect ..

近年來，深綠選民經常認為是陳水扁總統在個人危機，或是民進黨在選戰中的主要訴求對象，因而凸顯了深綠選民的重要性。本文主要的目的在於探討深綠選民應該如何測量及定義，以及他們是否真的是泛綠陣營選票的主要來源。作者根據台灣意識、台灣人政權以及政黨認同的概念，建構三個不同的指標，以測量及定義深綠選民。分析結果發現:以指標的表現而言，三個指標各有其優缺點，但在 TEDS2005M 的資料中，以台灣人政權指標的整體表現較佳。三個指標所定義的深綠選民，投票給泛綠候選人的比例..

Conventional wisdom holds that when President Chen Shui-bian faces personal crises, as well as in the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DDP) election campaigns, Chen and the party always appeal to the so-called “deep- green voters” for support, such that these voters factor prominently in determining election outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to define and measure deep-green voters, and also to examine whether the support of deep- green voters is vital for the pan-green parties. The author creates three i..

台灣與俄羅斯都是在第三波民主化浪潮時，從威權或極權政體走向民主政體的國家。然而，兩國的民主政治發展卻有截然不同的結果。本文的主要目的，乃是在探討 1995 年至 2005 年之間，台灣與俄羅斯在民主發展上的異同。首先，針對民主鞏固之概念作概括性的整理與解釋;其次，說明台灣與俄羅斯民主發展之過程;接著，以民主轉型與民主鞏固的模型，深入比較台灣與俄羅斯民主化進程之差異;最後，則進一步提出台灣邁向民主鞏固與俄羅斯發生民主崩潰的觀察。 &..

Both Taiwan and Russia became democracies during the period of Third Wave of Democratization. However, the results of democratization for each turned out to be completely different. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the similarities and dissimilarities of democratic developments during the period of 1995-2005. The concept of democratic consolidation and relevant ideas is clearly explained in the first section, also showing the process of Taiwan and Russia’s democratic developments. In addition, models of demo..