本文研究政體類型與包括稅前和租稅補貼在內的能源補貼間的關係,並討論這種關係如何被通貨膨脹程度所制約。文中指出不同政權的生存邏輯和不同類型能源補貼的成本,是影響民主和威權政府能源補貼政策差異的重要因素。稅前補貼需要政府編列預算支應部分能源供應的成本,政府不易迴避。因為威權政體優先考量社會穩定,所以在稅前燃料補貼上的支出比民主政體來得多。租稅補貼是指刻意不對能源商品使用的外部性進行賦稅,處理外部性的重要性沒有滿足人民基本物資價格的穩定來得高,而且提供這些補貼的成本可以留給未來世代,所以兩種政..
This paper examines the relationship between regime type and energy subsidies, including pre-tax and tax subsidies, and discusses how these relationships are mediated by the degree of inflation. The paper suggests that the logic of political survival and the costs of energy subsidies are two of the main factors shaping energy subsidy policies. Pre-tax subsidies require the government to budget for part of the cost, which is not easy for the government to avoid. Since authoritarian regimes prioritize social stability, they spend more on pre-..
於2019年底爆發之COVID-19病毒大流行再度引起政治學界對於國家的政體類型與公衛治理效能兩者關聯性之關注,惟目前對於政體因素的影響力以及關於相異政體孰勝孰負的論點未見統一,故本文嘗試透過質性與量化混合的途徑重新審視此爭辯。綜合而言,以2020年為觀察年度的研究範圍中,本研究的量化分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,愈民主的國家呈現愈高死亡率之相關性。再者,本文之個案研究發現,在東亞國家的防疫過程中,非民主政體的國家展現較高的政府擴權程度,進而使這類國家的政府呈現出相對於民主國家較好之..
The COVID-19 pandemic that broke out at the end of 2019 has once again drawn the attention of political scientists to the correlation between regime types and public health governance. However, the current scholarly discourse lacks consensus on the influence of political regime factors and the comparative advantages or disadvantages among different regime types. Therefore, this paper attempts to re-examine this debate through a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. In this study, a comprehensive analysis was conducted for the year 20..
在2020年新冠肺炎的肆虐之下,多數國家都面臨了疫情的挑戰,無論乎是在每日激增的感染人數、死亡人數、以及因為疫情而無法負載的醫療能量。在這種嚴峻的挑戰下,許多觀察家與學者卻看到了威權體制的優勢。因為威權體制可以忽略人權的問題,迅速進行大規模的疫區封鎖,或是對民眾強行進行檢測以及限制人身自由,進而可以較為快速的控制疫情。在這之中,中國與新加坡就是全球防疫的佼佼者。反過來說,對於歐美的民主國家,因為其防疫速度與政府反應較為緩慢,也因為其民主自由的特性而限縮了對人身自由過多的限制,進而導致疫情..
Most countries have suffered from the COVID-19 pandemic since 2020. The numbers of confirmed cases and casualties and the overloading medical systems are all visible issues and problems each country is dealing with on a daily basis. Many observers and experts argue that authoritarian countries seem to be more capable of defending the COVID-19 pandemic because they can ignore human rights and intervene aggressively into the society to implement anti-pandemic policy, which allows quicker response to the COVID-19 pandemic and better cont..
1970 年代前後,西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」,旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折,故陷入方法論的困境,而無法調節學門內各領域的關連,形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發,形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰,其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而,都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為,索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念,以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉,共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..
According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.
近年臺灣學界常有對「中國研究」方法與議程的改進呼聲,本文試圖介紹日本國關學界的中國研究,提供本土中國研究及發展之參考點。本文主要 討論「中國研究」在學科定位與學科史上,以什麼樣的方式演變?而在日本國際關係的主要社群中,「中國研究議程」呈現什麼樣的特色?本文以「日本國際政治學會」所編輯刊物國際政治為核心,對其中的中國研究相關論文加以分析並歸類。時間範圍是 1957-2008 年,討論二戰結束後,日本國際政治學界對於中國的研究方法、研究觀點、主要研究成果之系譜。..
Currently, there has been an increasing voice to reconsider the methodology and agenda of “China studies” within the Taiwanese academic community. With this respect, this paper introduces the China studies achieved by the Japanese academic community to support the developmental basis of China studies in Taiwan. Two questions lead the argument in this paper:(1)what is the transformation of the contemporary China studies in the Japanese international relations(IR)community? and(2)what characteristics are presented f..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.