國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中，同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業，為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程，試圖比較與論證..

Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..

日本已分別在外交、防衛與警政等體系下設置不同任務屬性之情報機關。然而在經過數十年運作後，現存情報組織上已無法充分發揮機能。隨著冷戰及九一一事件之後國際局勢的劇烈變化，非傳統安全威脅日益升高，以及日本欲積極發揮其在國際上之影響力，朝向正常化國家邁進等，使得現存的情報體制面臨變革，必須強化情報機能，以作為日本達成前述目標之後盾。政府與民間有識之士對此一方向亦有深切體認，分別提出許多強化情報機能的改革建議，例如強化情報機構之聯繫、加強情報蒐集能量及提升情報研析水準..

Japan has various intelligence agencies that carry out different tasks under the diplomatic, national defense and police systems. After several decades in operation, these agencies have become less capable of fulfilling their functions. The end of the Cold War and the 911 terror attack have sparked a string of sea changes in international dynamics. Increasing non- traditional security threats, Japan’s ambition to exert bigger international influences, its bid for a normal state, all these issues have made reform necessa..

Alexander Wendt 運用量子意識理論作為其建構主義的知識論主張，嘗試證明科學實在論的觀點，也就是可以能科學地研究與證明理念與意識在形成集體認同及行動的作用。Wendt 的量子意識理論肇因於建構主義內部的知識論爭論，他科學實在論的知識論立場引發了不同的批評，遂而提出量子意識理論作為回應，企圖告訴讀者不同的思考世界方式。 本文將聚焦於 Wendt 所提出的量子意識理論(假設)對於建構主義理論 (甚至整個國際關係理論)的意涵，以及..

Alexander Wendt tries to use quantum consciousness theory or hypothesis (QCT) as an epistemological position for his constructivism to defend the scientific realism that it can scientifically research and prove the effects of ideas and consciousness on collective identity formation. Wendt’s QCT resulted from the epistemological debates within constructivism, his scientific realism has generated various critics, he initiated QCT to response these critiques and tried to tell readers how to think the world differently. ..

當歐洲聯盟完成 2004 年和 2007 年東擴以後，烏克蘭、白俄羅斯與摩爾多瓦三國成為歐盟與俄羅斯權力競爭的緩衝地帶，此三國外交政策偏好與未來可能走向對歐洲地區未來整合具重要意義。從對外政策制訂過程來看，一國外交政策選擇除受外部環境影響外，內部改革因素不容忽視，尤其歐盟於後冷戰時期推動之擴張政策對周邊國家產生極為深遠之影響。基於此，本文將採取社會穩定、民主化與經濟依賴三要素做為分析架構，以社會穩定與否、民主化程度高低、對外經濟依賴程度三變項理解此三國外交政..

Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine occupy the focal point of political development in the European continent after the end of Cold War when European Union completed its eastern enlargement. The author argues that social stability, democratization and economic dependency are three major factors influencing Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine’s foreign policy choices. First, the more stable social order within the country, the likelier government may foster a more unified foreign policy. Second, the more democratic political process..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..