阿拉伯之春是於 2010 年年底,由突尼西亞開始發生一連串位於包括中東與北非地區的國內政治動盪事件。多數人認為,這與當地的威權政治,以及經濟發展遲緩有高度相關,因此,本文首先探討中東北非地區內戰可能的發生原因,包括經常被提及的政治與經濟因素,另外再輔以中東北非地區特殊的區域環境解釋,包括了此區特有的豐富天然資源,以及造成此次阿拉伯革命的連鎖反應。作者發現,經濟發展非常顯著地影響著內部衝突發生的機率,包括良好的發展以及開放的貿易政策,而民主與衝突則顯示「倒 U..
Since the Arab Spring occurred in the end of 2010, Middle East and North Africa(MENA)regions have drawn attentions from international society because of turbulent domestic events. Some nations in this area have leaders who stay in office for a very long time(e.g. Libya and Egypt), and some nations suffer from slow economic development(e.g. Algeria). Therefore, this study tries to review the previous studies on the civil war, focusing on political and economic determinants, to examine if political institution and economic deve..
俄羅斯擁有世界最多的天然氣、第二大煤礦及第八大原油蘊藏量,這些豐富的天然資源使俄羅斯具備實施能源外交的優越地緣政治經濟條件。從二十一世紀開始,俄羅斯已經逐漸改變前蘇聯政府時期依靠軍事與政治力量來確保其國際地位的策略,轉而利用天然資源,特別是豐富的天然氣,作為經濟發展與對外關係的重要手段。而普欽政府將天然氣的營運與巨大獲益全都收歸國家管理及控制,是其得以將此一能源權力發展為對歐洲外交戰略與恢復過去大國地位的基礎。本文擬以蘇珊‧史翠菊(Susan Strange..
Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the eighth-largest crude oil reserves. These plentiful natural resources allow Russia to obtain excellent geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions to carry out its foreign energy strategies. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has transformed from former USSR’s foreign policy which depended on military and political powers for ensuring its international position into the current policy of utilizing natural resourc..
東協各國政府廣泛地認為,南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國,因此,東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」,而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊,印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協,如何回應南海緊張局勢的..
The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making s..
觀察歐盟統合,歐盟 2004 年東擴是一項重要事件,因為透過東擴,歐盟將原屬於共產集團的中東歐國家納入歐盟會員國,並將歐盟價值規範與制度運作融入了中東歐新會員國的政治、經濟與社會生活之中,這一項成就讓歐洲大陸的和平與穩定局面大步向前;歐盟東擴後,歐盟對外關係研究主軸擴散到歐盟與鄰近國家交往,以歐盟睦鄰政策作為主要政策工具。歐盟的基本假定是,如果歐盟東擴取得豐碩成果,歐盟應該繼續複製東擴經驗、以誘因方式繼續向東擴散歐盟的理念與制度。但實際觀察睦鄰政策推動過程,..
The studies of EU’s Incentive Policy in its eastern and southern area have gained prominence in the literature. These findings suggest that the top- down/ bottom-up norms diffusion and adaptive learning process are helpful for the spread of democratization in new member and acceding states. More recently, after the completion of EU’s eastern enlargement, increasing studies are expanded to Eastern European countries; Ukraine and other eastern partners become the focal points of methodological objectives. The advent..
1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出,美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式,為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析,探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動,可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止,如 1996 年臺海危機,美國主動強化美臺軍事關係,增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下,國際組織有過度的舉止,如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位,..
Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..
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