選舉制度影響政黨體系，是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯，若以政黨體系為因，以選舉制度的變化為果，即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而，某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張，選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響，取決於選制的種類。第一，有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半，則國會屬於多黨制，有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時，可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單，而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..

It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..

在國際關係的研究領域中，不論是國家中心論或是以體系為主的體系理論，都以國家為研究的客體。伴隨著全球化浪潮，「全球治理」概念的出現，表明以國家為主的國際政治體系已無法解決國際環境的複雜變化，須藉助許多跨國性次級團體來共同治理。有鑑於此，新現實主義、新自由主義、 與建構主義中以國家為給定對象的國際關係主流理論，遇到解釋上的局限， 需要建構一套新的本體論與知識論，俾有效解釋在國際政治中逐漸呈現的多元行為體治理現象。本文認為國際關係理論面臨三個問題的挑戰:一、如何解..

Theories of international relations(IR), whether through state-centric or systemic approach, put states as centers of research objectives. With trending globalization, the advent of the global governance concepts manifests that a state-focused international political system without transnational sub-political groups has failed to respond to complex changes in the international environment. Accordingly, this challenges neo-realism, neo- liberalism, and constructivism, which focus on the state-centric approach and experience ex..

國際關係主流理論研究的是多邊關係，但是多邊關係得以運作，其前提在於，當多邊關係受限時，可仰賴雙邊關係加以維繫或超越，使多邊關係免於遭到直接挑戰。本文主張將雙邊關係做為國際關係研究途徑加以探究，並以戰後英國因實力變化而選擇轉向雙邊為個案。出於避免一夕崩壞及維護利益的設想，孱弱的大英帝國在戰後選擇向雙邊主義靠攏，美中兩國成為優先考量。即便這兩組雙邊關係間存在矛盾，卻是英國勉強藉由兩組雙邊關係維繫既有多邊框架，再行逐步調整，進而在戰後世界站穩腳跟的機制。 ..

Mainstream IR theories are typically multilateral. However, for any multilateral frame or value to last, bilateral relations must be able to resolve conceivable limitations. Thus, bilateral relations should be intrinsic to IR theorization. We use the United Kingdom in the aftermath of WWII as our case. The UK managed bilateral relations with the United States and China as ways to overcome its decline after the war. The bilateral relations transcend the multilateral frame and value. Accordingly, the UK’s two bilateral re..

近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係，進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅，由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展，中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外，既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起，中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵，轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此，本文結合新..

In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia r..

蘇聯自 1922 年建立後，在主權的實踐上有兩重要的轉折點，一是 1922 年的建立，是透過條約的簽訂而組成。也就是 1922 年的蘇聯在本質上具有「邦聯」的性質。但是，隨著 1924 年蘇聯憲法的通過，「邦聯」的蘇聯轉換 成「聯邦」的蘇聯，原來俄羅斯聯邦、烏克蘭、白俄羅斯及外高加索聯邦四個共和國主權的安排，透過憲法架構下「自由退出權」的設計得到妥協。在這樣的架構下，蘇聯體制的變異性成為一個特殊的現象。這種變異性使蘇聯在聯合國創立之初，就出現「一國三席」的特..

During its establishment in 1922 and political transformation in 1924, the USSR transformed from a confederation to a federation through the Soviet Constitution in 1924. As a result, four sovereignties, including the original Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the Byelorussian SSR, and the Transcaucasian SFSR, were entitled free exit rights as a compromise under the constitutional framework. This structure led to a unique phenomenon where one nation had three seats at the UN. While the USSR served as a permanent member in the U..