在科技快速發展的時代，數位領域已成為地緣政治競爭的核心，重塑全球治理、安全與經濟格局。美中日益激烈的科技競爭正在加速全球數位秩序的分化，其核心問題在於全球網路治理規範的分歧，反映出不同價值觀與政策優先事項的對立。在此背景下，印太地區憑藉其經濟潛力與科技創新能力，成為推動數位轉型與治理的關鍵戰場。 除了美中競爭，歐盟（EU）作為全球規範性權力（Normative Power Europe, NPE），也試圖在印太地區的數位秩序中發揮影響。然而，相較於美國以市場驅動（market-d..

In an era of rapid technological advancement, the digital domain has become a core battleground for geopolitical competition, reshaping global governance, security, and economic structures. The intensifying U.S.-China technological rivalry is accelerating the fragmentation of the global digital order, with the key challenge being the divergence in global cyber governance norms, reflecting conflicting values and policy priorities. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific region, with its economic potential and technological innovation capacit..

本研究主要探索新冠疫情對中國一帶一路的影響，並進一步分析中國 對東南亞國家的防疫外交。本文分為四個部分，第一部份是為前言，說明 研究旨趣與架構，並就與本研究旨趣相關之文獻進行回顧；第二部分聚焦 於疫情爆發之的合作實踐。然而，這兩個特徵放在與東協國家具體互動中確實也出現若 干問題；本研究除了進一步探索之，並試圖提供解釋，且於結語處提出六 項研究發現。後，論及疫情衝擊一帶一路的國際輿論與觀點。再者，本文 於第三部分延續檢視疫情期間中國對鄰近區域（東南亞國家）的防疫外交 工作是否符合中國整體外..

This study mainly explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and further analyzes China’s pandemic prevention diplomacy (PPD) towards Southeast Asian countries. This study i neighboring countries mainly responded to the long-existing strategic priority of China’s foreign policy guidelines, that is, to prioritize the neighbors as the f irst principle, while the second to implement collaboration in accordance to the differentiated relationships among partner countries. However, im..

新冠肺炎從2020年的年初開始席捲全球，成為當代影響全球經濟和國際政治最重要的事件，而若以染疫人口占總人口數的比率來看，民主國家在防疫的表現上並未明顯優於非民主國家的這個事實，也引起了政治制度孰優孰劣的辯論。針對這個現象，本文試圖回答「為什麼民主國家的防疫表現沒有比非民主國家來得好」以及「在什麼情況之下民主制度所擁有的優勢才能夠在防疫的表現上展現出來」這兩個問題。關於第一個問題，本文認為，由於民主國家通常全球化的程度較高，使得其在疫情初期的防堵上失去先機，再加上民主國家受限於民主的制度與..

The COVID-19 pandemic that has been sweeping the world since the early 2020 is the most important contemporary political and economic event. The fact that democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting the pandemic (in terms of the confirmed case percentage to their total population) aroused the debate about which kind of the political institutions is the better one. The goal of this study aims to answer the two questions about “why democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting COVID-19” and “when th..

主流國際關係學者認為，美國在冷戰時期尊重英國在新加坡的殖民地位，故不干涉英國內政，也不介入獨立前新加坡的政治。此外，由於李光耀的反共形象，學者亦少質疑他與美國的友誼；而族群與意識形態接近的台灣，也常被認為與李光耀交好。本文以檔案與國際關係文獻為核心，回顧1950年代李光耀與英國、美國及台灣之間的關係，尋找李光耀不同的面貌。 本文發現李光耀因其行為親北京，使英國與美國產生很大的爭辯，導致美國介入新加坡政治，迥異於主流學者的認知。身為殖民主的英國熟悉新加坡的華人認同政治，認為李光耀是機會..

Many scholars concur US acceptance of Britain’s colonial policies during the Cold War, and therefore rarely study the phenomenon of American intervention in British internal affairs especially with regard to pre-independence Singapore politics. Moreover, because of popular perceptions of Lee Kuan Yew's anti-communist stance, scholars seldom question his relationship with Washington. Taiwan, due to its ethnic and ideological proximity with Singapore, was also widely believed to be friendly towards Lee. Using archival research, this..

自一帶一路倡議提出以來，中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策，在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助，大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而，政府之間的合作成果，卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況，對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例，審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..

Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..