歷經近四十年的兩岸交流，究竟對兩岸關係產生了何種變化與影響？本文將從學習（learning）理論來剖析兩岸民間交流的過程與結果，並檢視自從兩岸開放交流後彼此關係的變化與所面臨的侷限。本文採取案例研究分析中國大陸在經濟發展、農村社區營造方面向臺灣學習的經驗，以及臺灣在直播帶貨、短影音方面向中國大陸學習的經驗。本文發現國內政治因素是影響兩岸交流的最主要因素，特別是中國大陸對臺灣的「選舉式民主」以及臺灣對中國大陸社群媒體傳播的疑慮，使得兩岸交流仍停留在「簡單學習」與「負面學習」的階段，因此無法..

What changes and impacts have brought to the cross-strait relationship after 40 years of exchanges? This article uses learning theory to analyze the processes and outcomes of people to people exchanges; it also examines the transformations and limitations in cross-strait relationship since the opening of exchanges. Using case studies, the article explores China’s experiences of learning from Taiwan in economic development and rural community building, as well as Taiwan’s experiences of learning from China in livestream e-commerc..

我國於2024年1月，舉行了第16屆總統、副總統，以及第11屆立法委員的選舉。選舉結果，民進黨提名「賴蕭配」，以相對多數贏得總統，但民進黨在國會以一席之差落居第二大黨，由國民黨取得國會最大黨的地位。這個選舉結果出現了兩個爭議，其一是總統因三強鼎立，再次出現得票未過半的結果；其二是國會出現「矛盾多數」，國民黨無論是區域的黨籍立委或是不分區，得票都是落後給民進黨，卻在轉換為席次之後，成為國會第一大黨。由於總統應選名額只有一個，結果必然是贏者全拿，因此會有相對多數但不及於絕對多數的勝出，可能導..

Taiwan has held the 16th presidential and 11th legislative elections in January 2024. The election result saw Lai Ching-te winning the presidency with a plurality. However, the DPP lost the majority in the Legislative Yuan. This election result sparked two controversies: Firstly, the president was elected without an absolute majority due to the three-party competition; Secondly, the legislature experienced a “contradictory majority” situation, where the KMT, despite trailing behind the DPP in both regional and party list votes, ..

美中兩國國防部長於2022年香格里拉會議時，曾就臺灣海峽是否為國際水域有不同的詮釋方式。本文主要以灰色地帶為視角，透過文獻與比較分析法，檢視中共對臺灣海峽海域相關的國內法、最高法院的司法主張、軍事演習，以及於臺灣海峽內執法的國家實踐，其主張背後之目的為本文探討重點。研究發現：首先，中共灰色地帶戰略呈現相互依存性：一為「法律領域的灰色地帶戰略」，藉由詮釋《聯合國海洋法公約》所賦予沿岸國的部分管轄權，透過模糊化的國內法與司法解釋，建立符合自身利益的法理基礎；二為「國關領域的灰色地帶戰略」，透..

The United States and China are currently engaged in strategic competition. During the 2022 Shangri-La Dialogue, the two states’ defense ministers expressed differing interpretations regarding whether the Taiwan Strait constitutes international waters. This paper adopts a “Gray Zone” perspective, using literature and comparative research methods to examine China’s domestic laws, Supreme People’s Court judicial claims, military exercises, and law enforcement actions within the Taiwan Strait. It examines the ..

本文分析國際海洋法法庭（ITLOS）於2024年5月發布之第31號案諮詢意見，探討國家防止氣候變遷危害海洋環境之法律義務。該諮詢意見由小島國家氣候變遷與國際法委員會提出，由ITLOS確認人為溫室氣體排放構成《聯合國海洋法公約》下的「海洋環境污染」，各國有義務採取必要措施防止、減少和控制此類污染。本文首先介紹該諮詢意見背景及主要論點，分析ITLOS對於義務性質、海洋污染定義、具體措施等議題的解釋立場。研究發現，ITLOS雖然將相關義務定性為「行為義務」而非「結果義務」，但同時也確立國家對於..

This paper analyzes Advisory Opinion (Case No. 31) issued by the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) in May 2024, examining states’ legal obligations to prevent climate change-induced harm to the marine environment. The advisory opinion, requested by the Commission of Small Island States on Climate Change and International Law, confirms that greenhouse gas emissions constitute “pollution of the marine environment” under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, obligating states to take necessa..

霸權擁有生產高附加價值與高科技商品的獨佔地位，加之次等國單方依賴霸權商品，塑成霸權使用非暴力的經濟脅迫（economic coercion）措施，施壓目標國，以達到「不戰而屈人之兵」的戰略、政治與經貿目標。鴉片戰爭前，清帝國多次採取「封關」等貿易脅迫措施，禁絕茶葉出口，迫使英國等互市外夷屈服讓步，強化清帝國的經濟脅迫習慣（habit）。國際關係與外交決策的觀點，多批判清政府決策菁英的自大無知，或是強調滿清政權的朝貢制度天朝思維，而少有省思，清政府採取「封關」脅迫措施的決策過程，以及造成清..

Hegemons possess a monopolistic position in producing high-value-addedand high-tech goods, coupled with the unilateral dependence of subordinate states on these products. This dynamic enables hegemons to employ non-violent economic coercion to pressure target states, achieving strategic, political, andeconomic objectives aligned with the principle of “winning without fighting”. Before the Opium War, the Qing Empire frequently adopted trade coercion measures, such as “closing borders”, to ban tea exports and force..