就「例外論」而言，既有文獻主要聚焦於探討美國、中國、印度等大國對於自身「例外性」的想像與建構，相對忽略了作為「隱士王國」的北韓也有著根深蒂固的「例外論」傳統。基於此，本文藉由國家自傳體敘事的研究架構，並以主體思想為主軸，對「北韓例外論」加以剖析。文章認為神話敘事面向的檀君神話、北韓金氏家族的敘事操控以及北韓的歷史政治教育是三種有效影響北韓向「例外」身分轉化的自傳體敘事機制；在類型上，「北韓例外論」大致可分為北韓政治制度優越論、北韓國家特性例外論，以及北韓國家地位例外論。根據本文的研究發現..

In terms of “exceptionalism”, some studies have focused on the imagination and construction of exceptionality by major powers such as the United States, China, and India, while ignoring the deep-rooted tradition of exceptionalism in North Korea as a hermit kingdom. With this in mind, this article uses an analytical framework for national autobiographical narratives and analyzes Korean exceptionalism with a focus on the Juche idea. The article argues that the mythological narrative-oriented myth of Dangun, the narrative manipulat..

近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..

過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..

「淨零排放」為聯合國預計於2050年達成之目標，而臺灣在配合國際減排目標的同時，卻較少針對不同外銷出口策略所產生的溫室氣體排放，以及國際社會逐漸在推動的碳邊境稅／費制度予以探討。因此，本研究旨在透過2021年的鳳梨禁運事件，探討臺灣在轉向出口多元化的過程中，因不同出口策略而影響的溫室氣體排放，並以此對國內碳費政策的實施提供建議。研究結果發現，相較於過去對中國出口的依賴與集中，臺灣在朝向出口多元化發展的同時，不僅因著過去的路徑依賴，對日本形成「出口再集中」的趨勢，也在航運過程中對環境造成了..

“Net-zero emissions” is a target set by United Nations to be achieved by 2050. While Taiwan aligns with international emission reduction goals, it has shown limited focus on greenhouse gas emissions related to various export strategies and the global trend of carbon border adjustment mechanisms (CBAM) which is promoted by the international community. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the impact of greenhouse gas emissions influenced by different export strategies during Taiwan’s shift towards export diversification..

本研究主要探索新冠疫情對中國一帶一路的影響，並進一步分析中國 對東南亞國家的防疫外交。本文分為四個部分，第一部份是為前言，說明 研究旨趣與架構，並就與本研究旨趣相關之文獻進行回顧；第二部分聚焦 於疫情爆發之的合作實踐。然而，這兩個特徵放在與東協國家具體互動中確實也出現若 干問題；本研究除了進一步探索之，並試圖提供解釋，且於結語處提出六 項研究發現。後，論及疫情衝擊一帶一路的國際輿論與觀點。再者，本文 於第三部分延續檢視疫情期間中國對鄰近區域（東南亞國家）的防疫外交 工作是否符合中國整體外..

This study mainly explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and further analyzes China’s pandemic prevention diplomacy (PPD) towards Southeast Asian countries. This study i neighboring countries mainly responded to the long-existing strategic priority of China’s foreign policy guidelines, that is, to prioritize the neighbors as the f irst principle, while the second to implement collaboration in accordance to the differentiated relationships among partner countries. However, im..