日本民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中擊敗執政的自由民主黨，黨魁鳩山由紀夫於 9 月 16 日成為日本首相。由於民主黨在參議院未過半，為了維持國會穩定運作，鳩山首相選擇與社會民主黨、國民新黨組成聯合內閣。 不過鳩山政權內部不斷出現閣員之間的對立，而鳩山首相始終無法處理這些政府決策過程之中所發生的混亂，學者與主要媒體多認為，發生混亂的原因是在於鳩山本人的領導能力不足。不過本論文認為，導致鳩山政權內部的混亂主因是民主黨建構的決策運作模式本..

Yukio Hatoyama, the chairman of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), succeeded to the Prime Minister of Japan on 16 September 2009 after DPJ won the 2009 Japanese general election. In the election, DPJ acquired 308 out of a total of 480 seats in the House of Representatives of Japan, while the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP), the former ruling party only acquired 119 seats. However, Hatoyama was thus forced to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People’s New Party in response to a situatio..

新現實主義針對外部平衡提出了許多的模型，但卻未能說明國家為何，以及如何在不同類型的內部平衡間進行選擇，以回應外在的壓力。要解釋一國在軍事政策上的變化，必須以一種結合體系與單元雙層次變數的理論進行分析，而這種理論的基礎即是目前方興未艾的新古典現實主義。不過，新古典現實主義雖注意到了單元層次的重要性，卻仍忽略了國家行為邏輯的雙重性，亦即，國家除了權衡利害關係(後果性邏輯)以做出決策外，在此過程中，也會受到文化因素(適當性邏輯)的影響。本研究即是希望能夠透過理論綜..

There are many models of external balancing based on neo-realism. Nevertheless, not all can interpret why and how states choose among different types of internal balancing strategies to response the extrinsic stress. To understand the change of a state’s military policy, neoclassical realism integrates the system-level and unit-level variables. However, it still ignores the dual nature of the logic of state’s action, namely, besides interest, the influence of culture. Hence, a new “secure arming” model..

1996 年 6 月，日本批准聯合國海洋法公約，同年 7 月公布專屬經濟海域與大陸礁層法。由於日本許多小島鄰近臺灣，兩國經濟海域嚴重重疊，漁權糾紛隨即產生。另一方面，日本與中國在東海也出現了專屬經濟海域重疊的問題。為了規範所屬國民所從事之漁撈活動，中、日於 1996 年 4 月展開有關海洋法及漁業之談判，並在島嶼主權爭議未解決、專屬經濟海域劃界未完成的情況下，簽訂了漁業協定。本文的研究目的即在探討中日漁業協定的談判經過與協定內容，希望藉此了解日本在海域劃界與..

In June of 1996, Japan sanctioned the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and later announced the law on the exclusive economic zone and the continental shelf. Many islands belonging to Japan are in proximity to Taiwan; the exclusive economic zone of two countries overlapped seriously, and the fisheries disputes are frequent. In addition, Japan and China also have the same problem in the East China Sea. In order to manage fishing activities, China and Japan have engaged in negotiations on the law of the sea and f..

我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

國際憲政主義概念固然有待精確定義，但有關世貿規約憲政主義化的見解，已然成為國際法學界討論國際憲政主義概念的藍本。國際憲政主義概念的演化暨發展方向，可能影響到國際社會法律體系的建構，以及國家未來在國際社會所受到的司法制約程度。展望未來，世貿規約憲政主義化的經驗進程，是否會對國際法其它面向的法理論證造成影響，繼續將人權概念置入永績發展、國際環境保護、氣候變遷機制與海洋環境保育等議題的論證當中，並以人類社群整體福祉之極大化為前提，為沒有參與締約的第三方創造國際責任與義務，值得吾人深入並且持續的..

Despite debates addressed among constitutionalists, the concept of international constitutionalism has caused legal consequences to the sovereignty base of international law, and thus mutates the concept of the status of the states. Nowadays, trade scholarship is particularly preoccupied with questions of constitutionalism. The constitutionalization of WTO regulations has triggered a debate on the future of global constitutionalism. Some scholars of the International Public Law believe that WTO, as an institution of global governance, would..