我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

國際憲政主義概念固然有待精確定義，但有關世貿規約憲政主義化的見解，已然成為國際法學界討論國際憲政主義概念的藍本。國際憲政主義概念的演化暨發展方向，可能影響到國際社會法律體系的建構，以及國家未來在國際社會所受到的司法制約程度。展望未來，世貿規約憲政主義化的經驗進程，是否會對國際法其它面向的法理論證造成影響，繼續將人權概念置入永績發展、國際環境保護、氣候變遷機制與海洋環境保育等議題的論證當中，並以人類社群整體福祉之極大化為前提，為沒有參與締約的第三方創造國際責任與義務，值得吾人深入並且持續的..

Despite debates addressed among constitutionalists, the concept of international constitutionalism has caused legal consequences to the sovereignty base of international law, and thus mutates the concept of the status of the states. Nowadays, trade scholarship is particularly preoccupied with questions of constitutionalism. The constitutionalization of WTO regulations has triggered a debate on the future of global constitutionalism. Some scholars of the International Public Law believe that WTO, as an institution of global governance, would..

權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..

韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG，目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係：政府支持財閥，分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下，韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係：政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」，財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化，政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督，要求政府和財閥的透明關係，並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大，不再受制於政府的管控。韓..

Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities， earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係，對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策，試圖強化兩岸民間互動，促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流，自 2004 年以降，邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模，參與頗為熱絡，但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響，目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此，作者乃透過深度訪談，搭配以問卷分析，探討此類交流接觸經驗，能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現，參與此類活動後，台灣青年既有的刻板印象，產生相當顯著的變化，但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..