國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中，同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業，為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程，試圖比較與論證..

Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..

本文觀察台灣與韓國發展過程的差異，對兩地金融危機形態以及金融重建進展的影響。兩國金融重建過程的差異受到危機形態的制約，這又受到之前發展形態的影響，亦即是否出現雙元經濟:同時存在一個面對軟預算的內需部門與一個面對硬預算的出口部門。韓國的金融危機，除了一開始的壞帳率較高之外，更包含外匯危機，另外出口重心的財閥負債淨值比高，而且很多是國際的借貸，產生急迫的壓力要採取結構性的改革措施以挽回市場的信心，不同面向改革工程在短時間內次第開展。雙元經濟的存在使台灣的金融危機..

This paper explores how patterns of development affect types of financial crises and financial restructuring by comparing the experiences of Taiwan and South Korea. With or without the presence of dual economy determines the nature of the financial crises, eventually affecting the scopes and paces of restructuring packages in the two countries. Dual economy in this context denotes the coexistence of an efficient exporting sector and an inefficient domestic sector. The financial crisis in South Korea involved high initial non-..

法國第五共和體制向為半總統制的主要原型典範，並為穩定半總統制的代表，但法國各界對此一制度設計一直有著許多爭論與修改意見。2007 年法國總統大選前，各主要政黨候選人紛紛提出「第六共和」(la VIe République)的憲政倡議。法國新任總統薩科奇(Nicolas Sarkozy)於 2008 年進行自 1958 年第五共和以來最大規模的一次修憲。修憲主要方向同時強化總統與國會的權力，在總統權力部分修憲後強化總統的國會咨文權，形同間接賦予總統的行政優勢..

The French Fifth Republic (la Ve République) is not only the prototype of semi-presidentialism but also the typical model of “stable semi- presidentialism,” of which the French political circle and academia have never stopped their criticism over the design of the French Fifth Republic and have consistently expressed their opinions of modification. Even before the 2007 French presidential election, most of the major parties simultaneously advocated a new constitutional engineering plans of “la VIe Républiq..

日本已分別在外交、防衛與警政等體系下設置不同任務屬性之情報機關。然而在經過數十年運作後，現存情報組織上已無法充分發揮機能。隨著冷戰及九一一事件之後國際局勢的劇烈變化，非傳統安全威脅日益升高，以及日本欲積極發揮其在國際上之影響力，朝向正常化國家邁進等，使得現存的情報體制面臨變革，必須強化情報機能，以作為日本達成前述目標之後盾。政府與民間有識之士對此一方向亦有深切體認，分別提出許多強化情報機能的改革建議，例如強化情報機構之聯繫、加強情報蒐集能量及提升情報研析水準..

Japan has various intelligence agencies that carry out different tasks under the diplomatic, national defense and police systems. After several decades in operation, these agencies have become less capable of fulfilling their functions. The end of the Cold War and the 911 terror attack have sparked a string of sea changes in international dynamics. Increasing non- traditional security threats, Japan’s ambition to exert bigger international influences, its bid for a normal state, all these issues have made reform necessa..

1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係，在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在，迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係，但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係，不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構，探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係，進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型，嘗試分析、比較..

Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..