當歐洲聯盟完成 2004 年和 2007 年東擴以後,烏克蘭、白俄羅斯與摩爾多瓦三國成為歐盟與俄羅斯權力競爭的緩衝地帶,此三國外交政策偏好與未來可能走向對歐洲地區未來整合具重要意義。從對外政策制訂過程來看,一國外交政策選擇除受外部環境影響外,內部改革因素不容忽視,尤其歐盟於後冷戰時期推動之擴張政策對周邊國家產生極為深遠之影響。基於此,本文將採取社會穩定、民主化與經濟依賴三要素做為分析架構,以社會穩定與否、民主化程度高低、對外經濟依賴程度三變項理解此三國外交政..
Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine occupy the focal point of political development in the European continent after the end of Cold War when European Union completed its eastern enlargement. The author argues that social stability, democratization and economic dependency are three major factors influencing Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine’s foreign policy choices. First, the more stable social order within the country, the likelier government may foster a more unified foreign policy. Second, the more democratic political process..
當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此,如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量,便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉,另方面,如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量,則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後,即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施,希望以此促進兩岸和平統一,但能否發揮其所期待的作用,迄今未見比較系統的評估,有鑒於此,本文根據近期民調資料,分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察,分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化,藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..
The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..
在戰後日本民主憲政史上,2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視,特別是因為該屆選舉,是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決,內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心,亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權,不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續,更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向,其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑,本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..
The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..
琉球群島位居日本、中國與台灣之間,是歐亞大陸及太平洋島鏈接壤之進出孔道,地理形勢堪稱十分重要。尤其自 14 世紀以來,琉球迭遭列強海權與陸權的激烈角逐,更凸顯歷史命運的發展實與其地緣政治的性格息息相關,甚而衍生至今猶須面臨「地位未定」的尷尬處境。不僅如此,琉球地位尚涉及日本、中國與台灣相關之釣魚台群島主權歸屬及東海海域劃界問題等國際爭議,並牽連東北亞整體安全保障之未來走向,誠未可等閒視之。有鑒於此,本文乃從國際法及國際政治的角度切入,試圖對琉球地位與東北亞之..
The Ryukyu Islands are a chain of islands between Eurasia and the Pacific Ocean. Because of the importance of their geographic situation, the Ryukyu Islands have become a focus where many countries compete. Until today, many regard the legal position of the Ryukyu Islands as uncertain. Moreover, the Ryukyu issue also contains the dispute of the Diaoyu Islands, (which are regarded as parts of the Ryukyu Islands by Japan) among Japan, China and Taiwan and the security of Northeast Asia. Therefore, the Ryukyu issue is an importa..
日本戰後形成的發展型國家體制被視為是1990 年代「失落十年」的元兇,日本政府因此採取了眾多政治與經濟上的構造改革。本文檢視日本發展型國家體制中兩個促成日本經濟成長的重要制度如何因改革而發生變化:一是力量強大的大藏省用來保護金融界的「護送船團」金融監理制度,二是傳統上金融界相互分擔分險、銀行和企業間特殊溝通管道而形成的「主要經辦銀行制度」。不少學者認為日本發展型國家已經轉型為英美式的監理型國家,但本文發現,雖然改革後的金融監理制度可說趨向監理型國家,「主要經..
The developmental state built after WWII has been blamed for Japan’s “lost decade” of the 1990s. The Japanese government takes a lot of structure reforms in politics and economics. This article examines how the two- important traditional structures of Japanese developmental state that were named as the engines of postwar economic successes were transformed by reforms. The first is so called “convoy system” financial regulation: the powerful ministry Okurasho with this system protected the financi..
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