美中兩國國防部長於2022年香格里拉會議時，曾就臺灣海峽是否為國際水域有不同的詮釋方式。本文主要以灰色地帶為視角，透過文獻與比較分析法，檢視中共對臺灣海峽海域相關的國內法、最高法院的司法主張、軍事演習，以及於臺灣海峽內執法的國家實踐，其主張背後之目的為本文探討重點。研究發現：首先，中共灰色地帶戰略呈現相互依存性：一為「法律領域的灰色地帶戰略」，藉由詮釋《聯合國海洋法公約》所賦予沿岸國的部分管轄權，透過模糊化的國內法與司法解釋，建立符合自身利益的法理基礎；二為「國關領域的灰色地帶戰略」，透..

The United States and China are currently engaged in strategic competition. During the 2022 Shangri-La Dialogue, the two states’ defense ministers expressed differing interpretations regarding whether the Taiwan Strait constitutes international waters. This paper adopts a “Gray Zone” perspective, using literature and comparative research methods to examine China’s domestic laws, Supreme People’s Court judicial claims, military exercises, and law enforcement actions within the Taiwan Strait. It examines the ..

本文分析國際海洋法法庭（ITLOS）於2024年5月發布之第31號案諮詢意見，探討國家防止氣候變遷危害海洋環境之法律義務。該諮詢意見由小島國家氣候變遷與國際法委員會提出，由ITLOS確認人為溫室氣體排放構成《聯合國海洋法公約》下的「海洋環境污染」，各國有義務採取必要措施防止、減少和控制此類污染。本文首先介紹該諮詢意見背景及主要論點，分析ITLOS對於義務性質、海洋污染定義、具體措施等議題的解釋立場。研究發現，ITLOS雖然將相關義務定性為「行為義務」而非「結果義務」，但同時也確立國家對於..

This paper analyzes Advisory Opinion (Case No. 31) issued by the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) in May 2024, examining states’ legal obligations to prevent climate change-induced harm to the marine environment. The advisory opinion, requested by the Commission of Small Island States on Climate Change and International Law, confirms that greenhouse gas emissions constitute “pollution of the marine environment” under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, obligating states to take necessa..

2010年中國漁船與日本海上保安廳巡邏船於釣魚臺相撞之後，中國向日本禁運稀土，此例成為經濟脅迫的一個顯著案例。2019年左右中國官方媒體又再次將稀土視為與美國貿易戰的武器，此使中國的稀土政策、稀土供應鏈的韌性重新成為人們關注的焦點。為了確定稀土用於經濟制裁或經濟脅迫時的有效性，我們有必要重新審視中國2010年對日本進行稀土禁運案例。本文重新審視了當時日本政府對於中國對日禁運稀土所採取的一連串政策回應，並檢視2010年後日本與稀土相關的經濟安全政策。此外，基於此案例，本文發展出評估單一國家..

China’s media has reported multiple times that the country could use its rare earth exports as a countermeasure against the United States since the Trump administration launched its trade war. President Biden has sought international cooperation to bolster supply chains and counter China’s economic coercion, and rare earth elements have been identified as the key resources in this campaign. To determine whether rare earth elements can be used effectively in economic sanctions, we must re-examine China’s 2010 embargo on rar..

本研究目的在建立美國傳統戰略模糊與臺灣避險策略間之理論關聯性。主要假設當臺灣從美國獲得較多且明確之安全承諾時，將可能更依賴美國安全保護傘，進而降低自身制定外交政策之自主與靈活性。過去數十年，華盛頓持續且長期的安全承諾，即有可能限制臺灣的避險策略選擇。本研究的實證證據，主要探討川普與拜登政府任內，華府戰略模糊逐漸轉變為戰略清晰下，臺北在美中兩強之間的外交政策。此外，藉由將避險的理論「模型化」，並區別避險與樞紐的關係，是本文另一個研究貢獻。

The study aims to establish a theoretical connection between strategic ambiguity and hedging policy. The assumption is that as Taiwan receives more security assurance and clarity from the United States, it may rely more on the U.S. security umbrella, reducing its autonomy and flexibility in crafting its foreign policy. Over time, consistent and prolonged security commitments from the United States could limit Taiwan’s hedging options, as it increasingly aligns with the U.S. position. The empirical evidence in this article explores how..

近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..