2015 年 11 月，緬甸舉行國會大選，由翁山蘇姬領導的全國民主聯盟(全民聯)獲得壓倒性勝利。2016 年 3 月，由全民聯所提名的翁山蘇姬親信 碇喬(Htin Kyaw)，順利在國會總統選舉中獲勝，並於 3 月 30 日正式宣誓就任緬甸新總統。其後，碇喬總統向國會提出的 21 個部會首長名單，也獲得國會通過。本文將先從碇喬內閣完整名單探討新政府人事布局的若干特點，並對照新政府近日相關的種種政治作為與安排，分析其欲展現的政治目標，以及對緬甸與中美大國關係所..

In November 2015, the National League for Democracy(NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the general elections. In March 2016, the NLD nominee U Htin Kyaw, a confidant and proxy of Suu Kyi, successfully won the presidential election in the Union parliament, and was inaugurated as president on March 30. On May 25, President Htin Kyaw announced the final list of 21 ministers to assume control of 22 ministries. This paper discusses the characteristics of personnel composition of Htin Kyaw’s cabinet..

兩岸關係基本結構「政治疏離、經濟融合」，素有「經濟能否扭轉政治」之辯論。過去研究多直接討論經濟交流下的政治效果，卻較少對於經濟 「如何」影響政治多加描繪，使政治效果產出之前經濟發揮之「潛移默化過程」未能清楚交代。為能釐清經濟如何發揮政治影響力，本文以兩岸經貿交流現況中，大陸著力甚深的「台灣農漁產品採購」政策，聚焦兩岸首次漁業契作:「學甲—上海虱目魚契作」，討論經濟影響政治的機制及其作用。根據本文研究，中共對台農漁採購政策效果並不在於立即性的扭轉台..

Since the two sides of the Taiwan Strait restarted economic negotiations and signed a number of socio-economic agreements, there has been growing interests in the political implications of the economic linkage. While previous studies mostly illustrated various political outcomes of Cross-Strait economic exchanges, they tended to overlook how China can utilize its economic leverage to influence Taiwan. This paper argues that China’s preferential policies toward Taiwan farmers did not aim to alter Taiwanese identity in th..

為什麼北韓與古巴的統治者可以經歷二十世紀末期的民主化與所謂「第三波民主」(Third Wave Democracy)的浪潮，化解內外壓力，屹立不搖?北韓與古巴的統治體系與制度運作有何特質，讓這兩國的統治者可以牢牢地鞏固政權，而且延續家族的統治?北韓與古巴未來的政治轉型有哪些變數或面向值得注意?為探討這些問題，本文檢視若干政體分類的要點與問題，以及「顏色革命」、「茉莉花革命」的論述，採用文獻探討與訪談法，比較北韓與古巴的政治領袖與領導階層、黨國體系、意識形態、..

Why have North Korea and Cuba been able to resist pressure posed by democratization at the end of the twentieth century and the Third Wave Democracy? What are the systemic and institutional characteristics of the North Korean and Cuban ruling structures? How have the systems consolidated political power for the ruling families and the ruling class? The author explores the aforementioned questions via documentary analyses and interviews. The author highlights similarities and differences between the two non-democratic and hybr..

1965 年「解決國家與他國國民間投資爭端公約」創設國際投資爭端解決中心，建立以仲裁程序為主的投資人對地主國爭端解決機制，投資人無須仰賴母國行使外交保護權，得遂行投資人對地主國仲裁以落實國際投資條約之實體保障。惟對跨國投資之中小企業而言，鉅額仲裁費用形成仲裁利用途徑之障礙，不但妨礙中小企業投資保障實體權益之落實，更可能衝擊國際投資爭端解決機制去政治化之發展。國際投資仲裁程序費用，如仲裁機構規費，仲裁庭費用與法律服務費用，動輒達百萬美元以上。中小企業可能無力承..

The 1965 Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States (ICSID Convention) established the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) and affirmed the use of international arbitration as primary means for resolving disputes between foreign investors and host states. An aggrieved foreign investor no longer needs to rely upon its home state to invoke diplomatic protection once local remedies are exhausted in the host state, but could proceed with investor..

本文根據國際貨幣的內涵與貨幣國際化的前提條件，分析中國推動人民幣國際化的主要措施與目前人民幣國際化的程度，並評估人民幣國際化的未來展望。由於國際貨幣的使用具有很強的慣性，以美元與歐元為主的國際貨幣具有先占者優勢，加上中國的資本管制與金融發展程度偏低等因素的制約，人民幣要成為全球性的國際貨幣，應該是很遙遠的事。但是基於地緣關係、經貿關係與相對的經濟實力，短期內(例如 3 至 5 年)人民幣應該可以在周邊國家扮演貿易計價貨幣的角色。如果中國能夠在這段期期間逐步實..

Based on the connotation of international currency and the preconditions of currency internationalization, this paper investigates the measures taken by the Chinese government to promote the internationalization of the RMB and assesses the current state and prospect of the RMB as an international currency. As the hierarchy of international currencies has a strong inertia, together with strict capital controls and a low level of financial development in China, it will take quite a long time before the RMB emerges as a global c..