半總統制的聯合內閣如何形成？半總統制下的總統如何影響內閣的組 成和運作？聯合內閣不同的運作模式如何影響聯合內閣的存續？是本文主 要的研究問題。本文的結論如下：第一、中東歐多數的半總統制國家之總 統是屬於無黨籍總統，憲法規定當選之後必須退出政黨運作。然而這些無 黨籍總統並沒有退居二線或是扮演超然中立的角色，依然會運作其憲法上 的權威主導或是介入內閣的運作。特別是當國會沒有任何一個政黨控制過 半數時，總統可以主導選擇結盟的政黨對象，藉由組合多數..

The main research questions addressed in this paper are: How does a coalition cabinet form in a semi-presidential system, in what ways does the president influence its formation and operation, and how do different modes of coalition governance affect cabinet durability? The conclusions are as follows: Firstly, in many semi-presidential countries in Eastern Europe, the president is a non-partisan f igure constitutionally required to withdraw from partisan politics after election. However, these non-partisan presidents..

在科技快速發展的時代，數位領域已成為地緣政治競爭的核心，重塑全球治理、安全與經濟格局。美中日益激烈的科技競爭正在加速全球數位秩序的分化，其核心問題在於全球網路治理規範的分歧，反映出不同價值觀與政策優先事項的對立。在此背景下，印太地區憑藉其經濟潛力與科技創新能力，成為推動數位轉型與治理的關鍵戰場。 除了美中競爭，歐盟（EU）作為全球規範性權力（Normative Power Europe, NPE），也試圖在印太地區的數位秩序中發揮影響。然而，相較於美國以市場驅動（market-d..

In an era of rapid technological advancement, the digital domain has become a core battleground for geopolitical competition, reshaping global governance, security, and economic structures. The intensifying U.S.-China technological rivalry is accelerating the fragmentation of the global digital order, with the key challenge being the divergence in global cyber governance norms, reflecting conflicting values and policy priorities. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific region, with its economic potential and technological innovation capacit..

本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..

This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..

本文探討法國印太戰略對歐盟與臺灣影響，認為法國的印太戰略在美 國與中國競逐的壓力下，採取了積極的策略，並影響歐盟印太合作戰略的 方向。法國的印太戰略以捍衛國家安全為核心，採取積極避險策略，一方 面希望提升法國在歐盟內部的影響力，另一方面則希望促進歐盟與印太國 家的經貿合作，幫助歐洲擺脫美國在烏克蘭危機上對歐洲的控制和主導。 法國的積極作為促使歐盟印太合作戰略增強與印太地區國家發展多邊關 係，並有助於將臺灣納入歐盟印太地區整體的安全與經濟合作框架中。

This article explores the impact of France’s Indo-Pacific strategy on the European Union and Taiwan. It argues that, under the pressure of competition between the United States and China, France has adopted a proactive strategy that influences the direction of the EU’s Indo-Pacific cooperation strategy. Centered on safeguarding national security, France takes an active hedging strategy on the Indo-Pacific region. On one hand, France seeks to enhance its influence within the EU; on the other hand, it aims to promote economic and ..

2021年5月5日，歐盟執委會公佈了一份規則草案，旨在解決外國補貼對內部市場造成扭曲之問題，以確保歐盟市場公平競爭之環境。該項草案創建全新之工具，俾利執委會審查非歐盟國家對於位在歐盟境內從事商業活動之企業所提供之補貼。尤其是執委會得主動進行調查，並要求將相關事業之併購案通知執委會。在實務上將面臨之問題乃是新制如何適當融入歐盟現行法律制度與監管環境。新工具之實施得暫停甚至否決大型併購案，並進一步賦予執委會極大之裁量權，以解決在任何市場情況下外國補貼造成內部市場扭曲之問題。不過也由於執委會擁..

On 5 May 2021, the European Commission published its proposed Regulation to address potential distortive effects of foreign subsidies in the Internal Market, with the aim of ensuring a level playing field for all market players within the EU. The proposal creates a new instrument to allow the Commission scrutinize subsidies granted by non-EU countries to undertakings active in the EU. Specifically, the Commission will be able to conduct investigations on its own initiative and relevant mergers will have to be notified to the Commission. One..