本研究探索造成《歐盟—越南自由貿易協定》（EUVFTA）和《歐盟—中國全面投資協定》（EU-China CAI）不同結果的影響因素。歐越自貿協定及歐中投資協定皆將永續發展及勞工權利等貿易永續願景納入歐盟貿易政策，亦即兩者皆為歐盟所謂的新世代經貿協定。然而在實務上，兩項協定命運卻有很大的差異。本研究透過現實主義、自由主義和社會建構主義三大國際關係主流理論，探索影響兩個協定發展的戰略、制度和意識形態因素。本文認為，儘管理念上的規範性力量有其重要性，但戰略夥伴關係、既存..

This thesis investigates the differing results of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EUVFTA) and the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). Both agreements are designed to embed sustainability and labor rights within the EU’s trade policies. By applying realism, liberalism, and social constructivism, the study examines the strategic, institutional, and ideological elements that impact these agreements. It is posited that although normative power is essential, practical factors concerning strategic partnerships, instit..

在科技快速發展的時代，數位領域已成為地緣政治競爭的核心，重塑全球治理、安全與經濟格局。美中日益激烈的科技競爭正在加速全球數位秩序的分化，其核心問題在於全球網路治理規範的分歧，反映出不同價值觀與政策優先事項的對立。在此背景下，印太地區憑藉其經濟潛力與科技創新能力，成為推動數位轉型與治理的關鍵戰場。 除了美中競爭，歐盟（EU）作為全球規範性權力（Normative Power Europe, NPE），也試圖在印太地區的數位秩序中發揮影響。然而，相較於美國以市場驅動（market-d..

In an era of rapid technological advancement, the digital domain has become a core battleground for geopolitical competition, reshaping global governance, security, and economic structures. The intensifying U.S.-China technological rivalry is accelerating the fragmentation of the global digital order, with the key challenge being the divergence in global cyber governance norms, reflecting conflicting values and policy priorities. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific region, with its economic potential and technological innovation capacit..

本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..

This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..

中國崛起下東亞區域各國的反應，是近年來廣受關注的議題，中國邊疆地區的反應則相對受到忽略。以人類歷史上並不罕見的多民族大帝國視角來看，曾經的外邦可以收入版圖，曾經的境內也可能叛離或喪失，控制程度的深淺時有變動，在尋求跨越時空通論解釋的國際關係理論視角下，這看似南轅北轍的古今中外不同帝國的收放之間、異族的叛服之間，共通的關鍵因素究竟為何？現實主義所聚焦，物質力量的興衰固然重要；但建構主義的脈絡中，異族對帝國有無文化認同，是否也不可忽視呢？於此，既有研究除關注西方的羅馬帝國，更聚焦於東方的清帝..

The reaction of countries in East Asia under the rise of China has been a topic of widespread concern in recent years, while the reaction of China’s border areas has been relatively ignored. For multi-nation empires throughout human history, foreign territories can be included, and owned territories may also be lost. The degree of control changes from time to time. From the perspective of international relations theories that seek general explanations over a wide range of times and spaces, what exactly are the key factors accounting f..

近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..