雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..

政黨輪替是當代民主政治發展的重要條件。日本的民主政治雖然在戰後新憲法公布後即開始進行，但自 1955 年起便形成自民黨一黨獨大的政治體制。這是因為，日本戰後的政黨輪替思維，受限於國內政治、經濟、社會與政黨條件等國內外環境的影響，使其無法在民主政治發展過程中具體展現。冷戰結束後政經情勢的轉變，讓日本的政黨輪替思維獲得解放，也促成了日本民主黨的成立與發展。本文主旨是藉由民主理論與近代日本政治發展觀點，思考政黨輪替思維在日本的演變歷程，並以日本民主黨的成立背景、組..

Party alternation is an important condition for the development of modern democracy. Although the Japanese democracy after World War II proceeded from the enforcement of the new constitution, LDP dominated the Japanese politics since 1955. The party alternation thinking in Japan was limited by the situations of domestic and international environment such as politics, economics, society and parties. The end of the Cold War liberated the party alternation thinking in Japan, and led to the formation and development of DPJ. This ..

21 世紀開始以來，國際上發生了許多重大的恐怖攻擊事件，例如 2001 年 911 恐怖攻擊事件、2002 與 2003 年兩次峇里島爆炸事件、2004 年馬德里火車爆炸事件，2005 年倫敦地鐵攻擊事件、2008 年孟買攻擊事件。這些恐怖攻擊事件因為造成眾多人死傷，加上國際媒體晝夜強力放送，使閱聽大眾至今記憶猶新。但是，這些恐怖攻擊事件都只是整個恐怖組織活動的最終「產品」。 國際恐怖行動若分成上、中、下游。上游是資金的供給，中游是人員..

Since the beginning of the 21st century, many deadly terrorist attacks have taken places, such as the 9-11 attacks in 2001, Bali terrorist attacks in 2002, Madrid train bombings in 2004, and London suicide bombings in 2005. The images of these terrorist attacks on the audience around the globe are readily recalled due to casualties and broadcasting by the international media. In actuality, the attacks are the “final products” of a whole series of activities conducted by international terrorism. If terro..

我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

國際憲政主義概念固然有待精確定義，但有關世貿規約憲政主義化的見解，已然成為國際法學界討論國際憲政主義概念的藍本。國際憲政主義概念的演化暨發展方向，可能影響到國際社會法律體系的建構，以及國家未來在國際社會所受到的司法制約程度。展望未來，世貿規約憲政主義化的經驗進程，是否會對國際法其它面向的法理論證造成影響，繼續將人權概念置入永績發展、國際環境保護、氣候變遷機制與海洋環境保育等議題的論證當中，並以人類社群整體福祉之極大化為前提，為沒有參與締約的第三方創造國際責任與義務，值得吾人深入並且持續的..

Despite debates addressed among constitutionalists, the concept of international constitutionalism has caused legal consequences to the sovereignty base of international law, and thus mutates the concept of the status of the states. Nowadays, trade scholarship is particularly preoccupied with questions of constitutionalism. The constitutionalization of WTO regulations has triggered a debate on the future of global constitutionalism. Some scholars of the International Public Law believe that WTO, as an institution of global governance, would..