食品貿易全球化帶來了大量的經濟利益，但開放食品進口提供國內消費者更多選擇之餘，他們健康上面臨的風險也越來越高。易言之，食品貿易在締造財富的同時，也在威脅我們每一個人的飲食衛生安全。在出口國透過食品貿易賺取經濟利潤之際，進口國公共衛生安全法規的自主性也受到挑戰。全球食品貿易機展的越快，主權國家面臨公共衛生與貿易自由化兩種法益權衡與選擇的困境就越強;一方面國家有義務保障本國人民的健康，但一方面其也必須遵守世界貿易組俄 (WTO) 架構下的食品安全規範。 有別於傳統的安全研究，本文主張..

The globalization of trade in food has brought great economic benefits Food imports have expanded consumer choices but have also resulted in higher health risk. ln other words, food trade has generated money and threatened the health of individual at the same time. While conferring tangible economic benefits on the states, the expansion of global commerce also has posed considerable challenges for their food safety regulatory structure. In light of the expansion of food trade, the sovereign state's regulatory system has been faced with ..

被視為冷戰時期中最危險的古巴飛彈危機事件，持續吸引學者的研究興趣長達近半個世紀。特別是Kennedy白宮錄音帶此新證據之解密，對研究者而言呈現出重要的洞見暨困惑。儘管如此，鮮少研究透過外交信息傳遞之面向來探究此一歷史事件。信息傳遞此一針對國際危機解決之途徑認為，當面對國際衝突時，國家會傳達其對手具外交標的之「語言」與 「非語言」信息。就某種意義而論，決策者釋出之每一個信息與反信息，均意謂其自身策略性之意圖與關乎對手信息之反應。本文透過國際情境、菁英決策，以及外交信息傳遞等三個面向，針對古..

The Cuban Missile Crisis, one of the most dangerous events of the Cold War, has continued to attract academic attention for almost half a century, especially with the release of new evidence in the Kennedy tapes that presents researchers with insights as well as puzzles. Nevertheless, few, if any, studies have explored this historic event from a diplomatic signaling perspective. The signaling approach to international crisis resolution posits that in the face of international conflicts, a state disseminates verbal and/or nonverbal signals, ..

現有國際關係研究對於霸權主導國際制度已有一定之發現，不過對崛起強權參與建構國際制度的行為傾向，則附屬於霸權的相關討論，而未獲得一定之重視。霸權論一般認為，崛起強權在未發生霸權戰爭前，只能被迫遵循霸權主導 下的國際制度，唯有在崛起強權取得霸權地位之後，方能展示是創建國際制度的領導能力。霸權論由相對物質權力層面探索的崛起強權描述，僅能凸顯霸權戰爭的爆發，未必能勾勒出崛起強權的全面行為，亦未能解釋霸權繼承者的條件。 發生霸權更迭之前，並非沒有發生崛起強權參與建構國際制度的案例，例如德意..

The exploration of the rising power has been subordinated to the arguments of hegemony and revisionist states. The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Power Transfer Theory have argued that the rising power has to follow international instructions set according to the hegemonic interests before the break out of hegemony war through which the rising power revolts the status quo hegemon. This approach might describe the reasons of hegemonic war; however, it might not be able to explain the overall behavior patterns of rising power in the construct..

本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..

由於先天即存在應然與實然的落差，加上後天多元研究取向所導致立論之分歧，使得半總統制常有評價之爭議。因此，論者在研究中除了應正確認識半總統制的理論內涵，亦需謹慎進行案例的比較或應用，始能產生更精確、細緻的研究成果。本文出於這樣的關懷，將從理論層面出發，透過相關文獻檢閱與不同研究方法之回顧，重新發現半總統制的分析焦點及不同運作類型之內涵及變遷方向。再者，本文也將進行半總統制案例的初步檢驗，以確認半總統制國家實際運作的不同樣態與其中原因。 ..

Since Maurice Duverger proposed the concept of semi-presidentialism in 1980, disputes have increasingly been raised among researchers. Given the gap between norms and operations of semi-presidentialism, as well as the complexities among the relationships of president, prime minister, and congress in the operations of semi-presidential countries, this paper develops a theory-driven comparative framework of this concept. Through re- examining the definitions of semi-presidentialism and the methodology of analyzing its operation..