二次世界大戰後，若干國家為使其外匯存底或公共基金產生更佳的增長效益，開始由政府設置主權財富基金，近年來其規模急遽膨脹而備受矚目，2007 年較 2006 年增加 18%而為 3.3 兆美元，預估至 2015 年將超過 12 兆美元。2008 年開始因美國次級房貸所引發的全球金融危機，主權財富基金成為許多國家與企業救亡圖存的希望。從國際政治經濟學的角度來看，符合「相互依存理論」與全球化理論中「過程論」的觀點;但在迅速發展下也出現了若干問題，不但動輒影響國際金融..

After World War II, in order to obtain better growth performance from the large foreign exchange reserves or public funds, several new financial institutions in East Asia and oil-producing countries in the Middle East started to have their governments establishing the Sovereign Wealth Fund. The Sovereign Wealth Fund has attracted wide attention as their scales rapidly expanded in recent years. The fund scale increased by 18% in 2007, as compared to 2006, and reached USD 330 billion. It is estimated that the funds will exceed ..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..

儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

本文從香港回歸中國統治前後之歷史脈絡，分析中國領導人對於國際民主權利規範的論述建構過程及內涵，並檢視北京政府對於香港政治人權政策的相關論述中相關語言符號的運用變化情形，以進一步分析中國對於香港地區在國際人權規範的論述建構與意涵。研究發現，1997 年香港回歸以後，中國政府對香港民主權利建制的國際人權規範建構，基本上仍呈現為一種以「工具性適應」向「爭論性辯論」過渡與擺盪的建構型態。「一國兩制」方 案成為北京因應國際人權力量與國內地方區域自治權雙向要求的一種限縮..

This paper, in the context of history of Hong Kong’s returning to PRC, analyzes the construct of the PRC leaderships’ discourse on the international norms of democratic rights by reviewing the language symbols from the texts of the PRC’s political human rights policy toward Hong Kong so as to scrutinize the type and implications of PRC’s international norms constructing. It argues that, after the returning of Hong Kong to PRC, the type of international norms constructing of democratic rights that PRC t..

本文旨在分析歐元對倫敦金融中心其影響與未來發展。以倫敦金融中心目前境外金融的特質，歐元的出現對其意義為機會多於威脅，然而，本文發現，此一境外金融的競爭優勢卻未因此使其內部對歐元議題產生一致的態度，反而出現嚴重的意見分歧。根據此一發現，本文因而對過去習於認為倫敦金融中心以其對英國經濟與政治的重要性，其政策偏好將為主政者決策指標的傳統看法提出質疑。本文解釋此一分歧的立場反應的是倫敦金融中心對於應如何發展為國際金融中心的兩種途徑之爭論:國際境外金融途徑與境內實體金..

This paper examines what the euro means, both to the current offshore- dominated City of London (the City) and for its future development. With its offshore nature, the City benefits more from the introduction of the euro than being threatened. Its competitive advantage as an offshore global portal of euro-related business, however, does not harmonize opinions within the City on the issue of the UK’s euro membership. Rather, City practitioners’ attitudes are divided. This finding thus challenges the conventional w..