儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期,但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向,並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解,今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次,他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼,點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次,他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論,將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次,他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索,從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..
It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..
本文從香港回歸中國統治前後之歷史脈絡,分析中國領導人對於國際民主權利規範的論述建構過程及內涵,並檢視北京政府對於香港政治人權政策的相關論述中相關語言符號的運用變化情形,以進一步分析中國對於香港地區在國際人權規範的論述建構與意涵。研究發現,1997 年香港回歸以後,中國政府對香港民主權利建制的國際人權規範建構,基本上仍呈現為一種以「工具性適應」向「爭論性辯論」過渡與擺盪的建構型態。「一國兩制」方 案成為北京因應國際人權力量與國內地方區域自治權雙向要求的一種限縮..
This paper, in the context of history of Hong Kong’s returning to PRC, analyzes the construct of the PRC leaderships’ discourse on the international norms of democratic rights by reviewing the language symbols from the texts of the PRC’s political human rights policy toward Hong Kong so as to scrutinize the type and implications of PRC’s international norms constructing. It argues that, after the returning of Hong Kong to PRC, the type of international norms constructing of democratic rights that PRC t..
本文旨在分析歐元對倫敦金融中心其影響與未來發展。以倫敦金融中心目前境外金融的特質,歐元的出現對其意義為機會多於威脅,然而,本文發現,此一境外金融的競爭優勢卻未因此使其內部對歐元議題產生一致的態度,反而出現嚴重的意見分歧。根據此一發現,本文因而對過去習於認為倫敦金融中心以其對英國經濟與政治的重要性,其政策偏好將為主政者決策指標的傳統看法提出質疑。本文解釋此一分歧的立場反應的是倫敦金融中心對於應如何發展為國際金融中心的兩種途徑之爭論:國際境外金融途徑與境內實體金..
This paper examines what the euro means, both to the current offshore- dominated City of London (the City) and for its future development. With its offshore nature, the City benefits more from the introduction of the euro than being threatened. Its competitive advantage as an offshore global portal of euro-related business, however, does not harmonize opinions within the City on the issue of the UK’s euro membership. Rather, City practitioners’ attitudes are divided. This finding thus challenges the conventional w..
有關於層次分析(levels-of-analysis)的研究早於第二次世界大戰以來即受到西方學者相當之注重,但國內相關之研究仍未重視層次分析之研究途徑,亦很少有研究著作涉及層次分析之研究架構。近年來隨著「建構主義」 在國際關係理論上愈受重視,開展相互主觀、研究「結構/體系」與「單元 /能動者」之動態互動關係,並提及跨層分析的重要性,可惜建構主義學者亦未能將層次分析之相關理論做系統性之整理或推導成分析模型。針對此,本文將傳統國際關係理論及建構主義涉及層次分析的..
Levels-of-analysis has been one of most important IR theory in the West since World War II, but still waiting to be explored in Taiwan. With the rises of constructivism emphasizing the concept of intersubjectivity, exploring the relations between structure and agency, and reverting the significance of cross-levels analysis, researchers are forced to recall levels-of-analysis approach. However, there is still a pity that constructivism did not offer a modeling analytical framework for the studies of levels-of-analysis. Therefo..
戰後日本的政治安定與經濟成果,被譽為「日本第一」或「經濟奇蹟」,引發日本研究者的好奇心,而在觀察日本的政治過程中,政治人物與官僚的角色是主要的焦點。日本的學術界對於政治過程的主導者為誰,先後出現「官僚主導」與「政黨主導」的論爭,爾後又出現「政策類型」的論點,主張政治人物與官僚處於合作或競爭的狀態。本文主要目的是論述上述論點的主要內容,同時分析其成立的背景,最後提出解釋上的侷限性,期望有助於瞭解日本的政治決定過程。
After World War ΙΙ, “Japan as No.1 (or ‘economical miracle’),” which signifies Japan’s political and economical achievements, always attracted researchers’ curiosity. As we know, politicians and bureaucrats play leading roles in Japanese political processes; consequently, the Japanese academia argued over the perspectives of “bureaucracy domination” and “party domination,” then the argument was switched to “policy domination,” which emphasizes t..
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