權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..

在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..

全球化帶來了生活意識的同化以及空間一體化的現象，使得美國能夠藉此散播其意識形態，而美國也確實藉由全球化的機制增強了其在國際事務上的影響力，並在全球相互依賴的網絡下贏得了主導的位置。本文嘗試以霸權國作為研究的核心，藉由垂直(vertical)與水平(horizontal)社會化兩種國際社會化(International Socialization)的方式來說明霸權國如何利用除了傳統的軍事武力之外的社會化途徑來影響其他國家，成為維持其霸權體制的另一種柔性力量。 ..

Globalization leads to assimilation of life consciousness and space integration. Thus enables the U.S. to spread ideology, reinforces international influence, and gains possession of the leading status under this global interdependence network. This article attempts to use horizontal and vertical socialization approaches to explain how hegemonic states utilize their soft powers to maintain dominance and exert influence on other states without the use of military force.  

Alexander Wendt 運用量子意識理論作為其建構主義的知識論主張，嘗試證明科學實在論的觀點，也就是可以能科學地研究與證明理念與意識在形成集體認同及行動的作用。Wendt 的量子意識理論肇因於建構主義內部的知識論爭論，他科學實在論的知識論立場引發了不同的批評，遂而提出量子意識理論作為回應，企圖告訴讀者不同的思考世界方式。 本文將聚焦於 Wendt 所提出的量子意識理論(假設)對於建構主義理論 (甚至整個國際關係理論)的意涵，以及..

Alexander Wendt tries to use quantum consciousness theory or hypothesis (QCT) as an epistemological position for his constructivism to defend the scientific realism that it can scientifically research and prove the effects of ideas and consciousness on collective identity formation. Wendt’s QCT resulted from the epistemological debates within constructivism, his scientific realism has generated various critics, he initiated QCT to response these critiques and tried to tell readers how to think the world differently. ..

自 90 年代中期以來，學界對於恐怖主義的研究正日益深化，反恐措施也推陳出新。不過，恐怖主義攻擊卻未因此減少，反而從過去盛行的中東地區和發展中國家蔓延到威權的前蘇聯各國以及已開發國家。參與者也從過去的反殖民建國訴求者，擴大為宗教和其他激進運動的獻身者;手段上更普遍地採取自殺攻擊，而不在乎組織形象聲名狼藉和人員的損失。似乎強大的國家，其安全與反擊措施越嚴厲，越激發攻擊者的鬥志。這種「越挫越奮」的異常現象，對傳統的國關理論構成了不小的挑戰。 ..

National security is traditionally comprehended in terms of the rationalist approach, of which the physical boundaries and the static “Self” of nation states are taken for granted. The concept of “security dilemma” is accordingly understood as the conflicting tendency between nations in the process of defense build-up. However, this article argues that another type of “security dilemma” should not be ignored: the more the units increase its physical capabilities, the less secure they are, d..