永續發展是近年國際社會共同關注與致力推動的重大議題,在世界貿易組織(WTO)成員國推動下,投資便捷化與發展協定(IFDA)草案於2024年第13屆部長會議(MC13)提出。IFDA的重點規範包括推動投資措施的便捷化與投資人遵循負責任的企業行(RBC),惟IFDA僅要求成員國鼓勵投資人自願採行RBC國際規範,欠缺具體獎勵誘因與制裁機制,成效存疑,作為推動永續發展的國際規範架構,顯有不足。本文認為應仿效WTO貿易便捷化協定(TFA)的授權營運商機制,於IFDA增訂永續投資人認證(RSI)制度..
Sustainable development has become a major issue for the international community in recent years. A great number of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Members proposed a draft of the Investment Facilitation and Development Agreement (IFDA) at the 13th Ministerial Conference (MC13) in 2024, but not accepted. IFDA’s key provisions include facilitating investment measures and encouraging investors to adhere to responsible business conduct (RBC). However, the IFDA only encourages ‘voluntary adoption’ of international RBC norms..
大喜馬拉雅流域因全球暖化導致冰川消融,面臨河川水量下降與乾旱危機。因這些河川多係跨界,水資源匱乏引起各國間的緊張,其中尤以中共與印度兩大強權關係最受矚目。中印跨界河川源頭都在中共控制的西藏高原,中共「南水北調」工程及在布拉馬普特拉河上游築壩,讓印度深感威脅,在缺乏水資源合作及資訊分享機制下,兩國現實主義的傾向,進一步惡化既存緊張關係,也使兩國水戰爭陰影揮之不去。
The glaciers melting of the Great Himalayan basin due to global warming has resulted in river water shortage and drought crises. As many rivers of the area are trans-boundary waters, water scarcity has aroused tension between countries. The relationships between the two powers – China and India – attract the most attention. As the sources of all shared rivers between the two countries lie on the Tibetan Plateau, which is under control of China, China’s South-to-North Water Diversion Project has thus posed si..
半總統制的設計,通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下,由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施,國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量,則在文獻上甚少探討,也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國,並從較傳統的制度面切入,來探究兩國在制度設計安排上,賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排,主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..
The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..
在過去的二十年以來,理論辯論成為寬廣的國際關係理論領域中日益顯著的部份。如果我們需要使用一組可信而適當的理論,來回答關於在特定條件下國際關係理論分歧的向題,則現有理論無法提供一個滿意的答案。 本文嘗試提出一個整體的觀點,來理解國際關係中的研究途徑與理論概念現存的分歧情形。基此目的,本研究的目標,在於藉由統攝概念的運動,以建立 一個國際關係理論分歧現象的分析架構,來理解那些主理論分歧的現象。 本文的討論並未解決那些現存理論分歧的問題,只是嘗試說明一個理論的爭議將會如何予以解..
Over the last 20 years, theoretical debates have become an increasingly conspicuous part in the broader field of international Relations Theory. If we are in need of an adequate theory that provides a set of plausible and testable answers to questions about theoretical diversity under specified conditions, the existing theory, in term, does not suffice. This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive perspective to understand the existing diversity of research approaches and theoretical concepts of international relations. To this end, t..
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