本文從發展援助的諸多問題切入，追溯台灣協助非洲國家發展經濟的歷史，並以交往四十二年的馬拉威為例，檢討台灣援助非洲的成果。作者認為按市場機制的農業合作才能持續有效，純粹善意的農業援助則會受到許多當地因素制肘，不但難以改善貧困，還容易引起受援者依賴與怨懟。  

This paper studies the challenges and problems Taiwan encountered in its development assistance to its African allies. Specifically, it examines the case of Malawi, where Taiwan has placed teams for 42 years. The author contends that only market-oriented agricultural cooperation can be sustainable. Farming assistance based purely on charity faces numerous local obstacles, and thus not only fails to improve poverty, but also generates dependence and resentment.  

台灣與新加坡雖然一直被學者認為是發展國家的典型案例，然而兩者在 1990 年代之後卻邁向截然不同的轉型途徑;展現在國家介入市場的特徵上也大異其趣。雖然有關兩個發展國家的現況已有許多個別研究，然而透過比較的視角以探討兩地公私部門間的網絡鑲嵌結構的差異，在目前的研究文獻中仍然鮮少。本文透過制度論的分析架構，聚焦在兩者的政府介入企業層次的治理網絡，考察其結構的形成歷史與演變軌跡，透過量化的資料比較其異同，並探討兩種不同網絡結構可能會有的政經意涵。1990 年代以後..

Although Taiwan and Singapore have been considered as two successful cases of the developmental state model, their recent transformations demonstrate distinct and divergent paths. Recent studies have documented this transition from a macro perspective of the political-economic process, yet scholars have been relatively inattentive to the market governance network from a meso-organizational perspective. We believe that it will help us better understand the transforming nature of two developmental states by looking at the netwo..

台灣四大族群的比例，在過去有戶籍資料身分可供參考，而在民國 81 年之戶籍法新修正規定，除原住民身分與族別外，其他族群並不記載。因此族群間的明顯分界線一夕消失，然而四大族群仍然存在。 欲瞭解現今台灣四大族群間的人口比例，通婚情況是必要瞭解的問題。本研究發現，過去傳統以父親為主要認同的方式，正逐漸發生變化，而這與父母親輩之族群通婚有相當大的關係。尤其以目前台灣在社會政治上，皆以台灣優先為本位，而本省閩南族群又為優勢族群，因此只要與本省閩南..

There used to be household registration data on the percentage of the major four Taiwanese ethnic groups. However, based on the amended Household Registration Law in 1992, only indigenous people and their tribes are identified in the database. While the distinct categorization among the four groups blurred overnight, the four groups remain. In order to understand the population percentage among the four groups, it’s necessary to understand the inter-group marriage. In this research, it has found that the trad..

當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..

在新回合農業談判中，現有糧食援助規範是否會產生商業排擠與間接出口補貼效果引起許多爭論。本文由《過剩處理與諮商義務之原則》出發，探討其與 WTO 談判之關連性，並剖析對我國的影響與因應之道。本文發現未來 WTO 對於糧食援助之要求將轉趨嚴格，我國的「糧食人道援外作業要點」原則上雖符合 WTO 未來新規範之方向，但在規範的陳述與對糧援類型的定義上仍略有差異。為了確保我國糧食援外工作得以持續推展，我國必須在談判中爭取實物糧援於非緊急情況時得以實施，以及糧援需求評估..

During the WTO Doha Round agricultural negotiations, there are many debates about whether the existing food aid rules are responsible for creating commercial displacement and indirect export subsidy effects. This study begins with investigating the relationship between the “Principles of Surplus Disposal and Consultative Obligations” and the WTO negotiations, followed by exploring the implications of new WTO disciplines on Taiwan’s food aid policies. We find that the negotiation is working toward more effect..