當中國「對外直接投資」(Foreign Direct Investment，簡稱FDI)大幅湧入世界各國後，被投資國對於中國資金的質疑與恐懼也逐漸浮現，例如:歐洲各國擔憂中資入主後，將降低歐陸勞工的待遇;澳洲民眾與國會反對中資併購國內農場等。然而，上述恐慌卻與文獻資料分析存有歧異， 爬梳有關中國對外直接投資之於被投資國的影響等相關研究後發現，中國資金並未帶來「紅色政治」，且中資與其他國家投資的運作方式亦無明顯差異。雖然中資並未對被投資國產生預期的傷害和損失，..

While foreign direct investment (FDI) flows from China to other countries in the world, some recipients have shown their fear and question toward China’s investment. For instance, European countries are afraid of the degradation of labor and environmental standard after embracing investment from China to their industries;, while Australia’s public and media blame China’s investment on real estate for the rising housing price. However, after carefully reviewing discussions on each case in the literature, it c..

南南投資在全球外資中的比重在本世紀出現大幅成長。在南南投資被寄望成為促進南方國家經濟發展新動力的同時，挑戰與問題也接連產生。本研究目的在探討南南投資於南南合作下的意義與南方國家對此投資引發的國家安全之外資政策回應。本文作為探討南南投資與其引發南方國家國安風險之外資政策回應的介紹導論性論文，目的在經由闡釋南南投資的涵義與特性，分析南南投資與國家安全的關聯，再提出初步的理論解釋說明南方國家對此類外資引發之國安疑慮的外資政策回應，並輔以相關案例分析說明，以作為後續..

The South-South investment has increased dramatically in the 21st century. It has been anticipated to promote South Countries’ economic development, while related problems and challenges remain. The goal of this essay is to explore the significance of South-South investment in the context of South-South Cooperation, and the South Countries’ policy responses to national security risk over South-South investment. This article is designed to be an introductory essay, with a moderate goal of illustrating th..

自華盛頓共識以降，拉美國家落實新自由主義政策與結構調整，卻無力解決根深蒂固的貧窮與社會不均問題。進入後華盛頓共識時代，懸而未解的發展難題催促拉美國家繼續尋求替代發展的道路，並促成二十一世紀前十八年南美洲興起一波反新自由主義的左派政權，又稱「粉紅色浪潮」。這波趨勢的共同性在於:都試圖解決獨尊市場經濟遺留的社會不公與貧窮問題，並尋求一個兼顧經濟成長與更合理社會分配的替代發展方案。 事實上，拉美替代發展方案經常是「價值理性」取向的，政治領袖又深..

In the post-Washington Consensus era, the pending social inequality and poverty have pushed South American New Left governments to seek “alternative developments” in the dawn of the 21st century, which is the so-called “Pink tide.” These governments’ motive is to seek an alternative development plan to address the social injustice and poverty left by market economy under the neoliberal model. In fact, the common feature of this alternative development trend is characterized by a strong..

近年來，國際人權規範在東南亞地區出現了正面的發展趨勢，並引發了學界之興趣。然而現有研究多聚焦於東協區域人權機制的創建與後果，對於人權公約承諾的關注相對不足，所提供的解釋亦未能盡如人意。本文企圖透過量化資料的實證分析，探詢影響東南亞人權公約承諾的主要因素。透過觀察東南亞十國自1981年到2015年間對主要國際人權公約的承諾紀錄，本文驗證了主要理論觀點所歸納出的四項假設，實證分析結果顯示，規範論與理性論觀點在不同的人權公約中產生了一定的促進效果，然而並無證據支持..

The last few decades witnessed positive developments in terms of human rights across Southeast Asia. It is widely believed that progresses such as the creation of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission of Human Rights (AICHR) suggested the willingness of regional countries to identify themselves with universal human rights. Nevertheless, no consensus has been reached in academia yet regarding human rights treaty commitment of regional countries. This article intends to make contribution to the knowledge of human rights treaty rat..

學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..