近年來，國際人權規範在東南亞地區出現了正面的發展趨勢，並引發了學界之興趣。然而現有研究多聚焦於東協區域人權機制的創建與後果，對於人權公約承諾的關注相對不足，所提供的解釋亦未能盡如人意。本文企圖透過量化資料的實證分析，探詢影響東南亞人權公約承諾的主要因素。透過觀察東南亞十國自1981年到2015年間對主要國際人權公約的承諾紀錄，本文驗證了主要理論觀點所歸納出的四項假設，實證分析結果顯示，規範論與理性論觀點在不同的人權公約中產生了一定的促進效果，然而並無證據支持..

The last few decades witnessed positive developments in terms of human rights across Southeast Asia. It is widely believed that progresses such as the creation of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission of Human Rights (AICHR) suggested the willingness of regional countries to identify themselves with universal human rights. Nevertheless, no consensus has been reached in academia yet regarding human rights treaty commitment of regional countries. This article intends to make contribution to the knowledge of human rights treaty rat..

學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..

日本自約1990年代末期推動「平成大合併」，擬將約3200個市町村自治體整併為約1000個，以利區域廣域政策的推動，並減少地方自治體的行政營運費用。然而，自治體的存續為憲法所保障，尤其在民主時代，日本中央政府難以用強制的手段大規模進行市町村自治體的合併。因此，有些市町村在沒有行政區域合併的情況下，選擇用跨域治理的方式達成廣域治理的需要。 而為解決廣大區域的共同治理課題，實務上常以地方自治體間的「行政區域合併」或是跨域治理來因應大都市周邊..

Japan has promoted the Great Heisei Mergers since the late 1990’s. Under this program, the Japanese government planned to merge approximately 3200 villages, towns, and cities into roughly 1000; thereby facilitating the promotion of regional policies and reducing the administration and operation expenditures of local autonomous bodies. However, the existence of such bodies is guaranteed by the Constitution of Japan. Particularly in the current era of democracy, the central government of Japan has experienced difficulty i..

全球暖化改變了北極的地緣政治格局，也促使中國參與北極事務。北極為中國提供的機會包括:縮短通往歐洲和北美港口的航運距離，增加貿易競爭力;有助中國北方港口城市發展不同定位的港埠經濟，及改善中國東北地區的經濟結構;有助於中國取得北極蘊藏豐富的天然資源;及有助於緩解中國當前面臨的安全問題，如「麻六甲困境」。但中國也遇到若干挑戰，包括:北極海冰構成航行威脅，航運成本也會增加;北極國家對中國涉足北極的疑慮;偏重於亞洲的貿易格局制約中國對北極的投入;以及中國技術能量不足等..

Global warming has changed geopolitics of the Arctic and prompted China to participate in the Arctic affairs. The Arctic offers many opportunities for China. First, it shortens the shipping distances to European and North American ports in order to increase trade competitiveness. Second, it develops different kinds of harbor economy and improve economic structures in the northeast of China. Third, it is able to acquire rich natural resources in the Arctic. Fourth, the Arctic can ameliorate China’s security problems, suc..

歐盟整合成員國政策並建立監控外資活動機制的努力，自2017年9月執委會提議以來，進展迅速並已於2019年2月獲歐洲議會立法通過，相關文件均以中國大陸資金在歐併購為案例。本文回顧歐中投資爭議開端，申論其源於對外經貿與產業發展理念差異，而近期中方透過「一帶一路」、「中國製造2025」指令下的海外投資併購，試圖同時解決產能過剩與產業升級目標，使雙邊爭端白熱化。除前述中方政策對歐盟可能影響外，本文亦將討論歐盟因應策略，中方可能反制措施，以及當前情勢對於歐中雙方後續作..

In this paper, we argue that China’s current strategies including Made in China 2025 and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with large scale mergers and acquisitions are still consistent with the so-called “divide and rule” principle with respect to the European Union (EU) since 2005. Furthermore, there will be some leading and potential industries through the above approach, even though the problems of overcapacity and inefficiency still exist. On the basis of the bilateral trade and investment strategies, we a..