本文探討半總統制下的立法課責，以臺灣與法國為個案進行比較研究。「立法課責」指如何讓立法者(集體或個別)的所作所為能為利害關係人知道，而據以獎懲。過去比較臺、法的研究發現，總理總統制的法國，國會的運作型態較偏內閣制;總統議會制的臺灣，運作則較偏總統制，因而在傳統印象上，多會認為法國會較重視以政黨為對象的集體課責，臺灣則可能較偏重以候選人或立委為對象的個別課責。   本文乃透過制度規範上對選舉前與選舉後的資訊公開要求，比較臺灣與法國在集體課責與個別課..

This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..

「新功能主義」(Neo-Functionalism, NF)是研究區域統合(integration) 最常被討論的論述之一，不過近年來新功能主義在內容上已有了很大的轉化:外溢效果(spill-overeffect)不再被視作統合的唯一自變項，而統合也只是「暫時」的依變項，不再是一項必定的結果。 哈斯(Ernst Haas)在新世紀即對其近 50 年前所提之新功能主義提出評論，獲學界高度矚目，頗值關心此議題及關心兩岸發展的人士注意;本文藉..

Neo-functionalism(NF)is one of the most argumentative theories for dealing with issues of regional integration. Supporters of NF argue that when the spillover effectis created through the process of functional integration, separate entities can construct political systems compatible with each other. Nevertheless, NF, especially that proposed by Ernst Hass, has changed since it was contested by scholars and testified in the literature. Nowadays, it is not valid to argue that the spillover effect can create integration automati..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..

本研究以為，兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論，原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全，以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題， 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構，分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後，臺灣民眾..

As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..

歷史制度論是一問題意識、方法立場與理論建構三者緊密結合的學派。研究者始自經驗的問題意識，欲解答大問題與真實世界的難題，並由此引導出特定的方法立場與理論建構模式。在方法立場上，歷史制度論者同意質化研究的「因果過程模式」，並運用比較方法進行系統性、脈絡性的歷史過程分析。但歷史制度論者並未拘泥於質化方法的基本教義，面對量化陣營的質疑，反而持開放的立場並提出多元的回應方式。在理論建構上，歷史制度論者具有「中程理論」的共識，並從整體觀點和權力途徑探討制度運作，能結合不..

As a school, historical institutionalism integrates research agenda, theory and method as a whole. Researchers in this field intend to answer “big questions” and to solve real-world puzzles, inducing specific characteristics in their theory and method. In aspect of method, historical institutionalists agree on “causal process model” in the qualitative researches and analyze historical process systematically with the comparative method. Facing the challenge from quantitative researchers, historical inst..