本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響，並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應，而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答，則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式，將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定，意指小國在其對外行為上，主動將大國之國家利益納入考量，不做出..

This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..

本文第一部分藉由現有的文獻回顧國際關係對於權力的探討以及貿易與權力的關係;在介紹歐洲聯盟(European Union，以下簡稱歐盟)貿易政策的基本框架後，接著探討歐盟實際的貿易政策作為，並且討論貿易政策背後的政治意涵;最後由國際關係理論以及上述的貿易政策，討論歐盟貿易政策的權力角色。歐盟由於先天上發展傳統軍武實力的限制，於是採取貿易、知識等非傳統權力手段來推動價值以及創造規範，在全球化的時代下構築其有別於傳統軍事強權的知識權力角色。 ..

The research is divided into three parts. The first part reviews the literatures regarding power and the relations between trade and power in IR studies. Secondly, this article chooses several EU’s trade policies in practice to discuss the political implications behind the trade policy. Finally, the research analyzes the role of power of EU’s trade through IR theories and the practical trade policies discussed above. Because of the inborn constraint on the development of traditional military capability, the EU use..

本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標，以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始，檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望，評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎，以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確，在具體議題上缺乏實質合作，因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」，雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對..

This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s ..

近年來，歐盟逐漸修正對外貿易政策轉向與第三國及區域組織談判簽署「區域貿易協定」的結盟方式。歐盟與中美洲自由貿易協定就是以「區域對區域」的方式推動而發展出「跨區域」與「區域間」主義的走向。這種跨區域與區域間關係的建構不僅在區域內部，同時在跨區域聯繫上呈現出制度化發展的趨勢。 文章嘗試從跨區域層次解讀歐盟與中美洲(包括哥斯大黎加、薩爾瓦多、瓜地馬拉、宏都拉斯、尼加拉瓜、巴拿馬 6 國)兩區域之間的政經互 動。文章架構分成六部分:除前言外，其..

The European Union has recently shifted to a trade policy that envisages a greater use of the Regional Trade Agreements(RTAs)with all partners. The EU is pursuing the RTAs with Central America through a pattern of “region to region” to form the basis of negotiations, which is implying a certain degree of inter-and trans-regionalism characteristics. The development of inter-and trans-regional relations reflects a general trend of institutionalization of relations not only within but also across regions. This articl..

國際關係理論的第三次大辯論中，廣為人知的是(新)自由主義與 (新)現實主義的辯論，較少為人關注的是實證主義與後實證主義之間的後設理論爭論，以及因此引發的後設理論研究爭議。後實證主義質疑既有國際關係理論的本體與知識基礎，更使國際關係學者質疑到底後設理論研究是否有助於國際關係理論與實務的研究。後實證主義關注的是後設理論層次而非實質理論層次，後設理論是(國際關係)理論的理論(a theory of theory)或是有關(國際關係)理論的理論(a theory a..

In the third Great Debate in International Relations, the debate between (Neo)Realism and(Neo)Liberalism has been well known; whereas the metatheoretical debate between Positivism and Postpositivism have been ignored. Postpositivism questioned the ontological and epistemological foundations of the established International Relations theory. It has caused the scholars to wonder whether metatheoretical researches exert positive incluences on theories and practices of International Relations. Postpositivism is concerned with the..