俄羅斯現代史上轉型時期極為重要的理論和實踐問題，就是俄羅斯聯邦制的建立與發展。而俄羅斯社會的經濟、社會和國家政治領域改革的結果，很大程度上取決於聯邦制的順利發展。實際上，整個俄羅斯的命運也取決於俄羅斯聯邦制如何發展。本論文試著釐清兩個問題:第一、在葉爾欽時期，聯邦主體的主權過度擴張，為何在普金時期卻又能將這些權力收回?第二、其決定性因素為何?而此決定性因素又如何地影響聯邦中央和聯邦主體之間的權力拉鋸爭奪? 故本文有兩個重要議題，首先是試..

Russia is a federation which, as of March 1, 2008, consists of 83 federal subjects(members of the Federation). One of the extremely important theoretical and practical issues during the process of political transition in Russia’s modern history is the establishment and development of Russian federalism. The results of economic, social and political reform in the Russian society largely depend on the smooth development of federalism. In fact, the whole fate of Russia also depends on the development of Russian federalism...

我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

本文從批判性地緣政治 ( critical geopolitics ) 的角度，藉由波士尼亞戰爭 ( 1992-1995 年 )此一案例，探討後冷戰時期美國的外交政策。深受國際關係後實證主義 ( post-positivism) 的影響，批判性地緣政治旨在問題化(problematize) 地緣政治的思想，主張地緣政治的基本元素，例如主權、領土、疆界、民族國家等，其意義不是既定的，而是社會實踐的結果。外交政策的功能之一，即是藉由賦予特定「他者」一個地緣政治的意義，建構或合理化國家的政策還..

This paper uses the approach of critical geopolitics to study the US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, with the Bosnian war (1992-1995) being the empirical case. Influenced by the stream of post-positivism in International Relations (IR), critical geopolitics aims at problematizing traditional geopolitical thinking, holding that the meaning of concepts such as sovereignty, territory, boundary, nation-state, and so on, is not given and fixed, but is a construct of social practices. One function of foreign policy is thus to give an &ld..

國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中，同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業，為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程，試圖比較與論證..

Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..

討論殖民議題時，有學者指出，殖民者利用多族群的對立，採取「分而治之」的政策，以達到殖民目的;也有學者以「雙重使命」的角度，認為殖民者在殖民地不僅從事破壞，也執行建設，不該遺漏或偏頗其中一項。筆者認為，這兩種對殖民政策的分析方式，容易陷入殖民論述中常見的二分法困境，將殖民者採用「分而治之」的策略，認為是殖民者掌握殖民地的族群對立之後的理性計算，或是無法加以治理族群對立而不得不的退讓，而「雙重使命」則可能合理化殖民政策與忽略不同殖民地的特性。因此，本文質疑以「分..

Of colonial topics, a lot of scholars indicate that colonizers exploited the opposition in different races and enforced the tactics of Divide-and-Rule for the colonial purposes. Another school of scholars, based on the Dual Mandate approach, indicates that colonizers not just destroy but construct the colony as well. The article considers two approaches that led to the dilemma of colonial discourses especially on dichotomy - Divide-and-Rule, which leads to either colonizers controlling the characteristic of conflicts between ..