從印度和巴基斯坦在 1998 年決定進行「全面對話」(Composite Dialogue)，到 2004 年 2 月印巴「全面對話」正式開展，期間受到兩國情勢及事件的阻撓，並在 2006 年 7 月中斷數月。印度和巴基斯坦也花很多時間和精力在討論對話條件以及所包括的議題。本文的焦點為 2003 年及 2006 年 「全面對話」兩次復談協商的過程。本文將「全面對話」復談協商過程視為協調賽局，並分析、檢驗內部因素與外部壓力如何影響印巴對於復談協商的意願、相關合..

India and Pakistan agreed to undertake “Composite Dialogue” in 1998. However, the dialogue did not take place substantially until February 2004. In the interim, the two countries were deterred from launching the dialogue officially by various kinds of domestic situations and events. In July of 2006, the dialogue was disrupted again for several months due to terrorism. In the meantime, India and Pakistan spent a lot of time and efforts in negotiating the conditions for the resumption of the dialogue and issues to b..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..

2007 年初俄國新移民法生效後，俄屬遠東當地華商因而被迫離境，衝擊當地經濟甚鉅。俄羅斯自阻其急需人力資源的矛盾，惟有對黃禍的疑懼能作合理解釋。本文以為，俄屬遠東「黃禍論」實屬臆測誇大居多，乃係不同相關面向下產生的迷思。在俄國對外戰略因國際格局驟變而未定之際，「黃禍論」得以從中復萌，而遠東區與中央之間潛伏的疏離感亦同時觸發。此又強化當地的特殊性及經濟發展的區域遲疑，除讓地方與中央因視界歧異屢生扞格，亦造成中央整體戰略與地方區域發展間的認知衝突。在國際與國內結..

After the new immigration laws that came into force in the beginning of 2007, Chinese merchants in the Russian Far East were forced to leave, and local economy was significantly impacted as well. The fears of “Yellow Peril” obviously can explain such various paradoxes - Russia cut off its relationship with Chinese labor resource. This thesis contends that Russian Far East’s “Yellow Peril” is a gross exaggeration based on unfounded assumptions, and a myth emerged from several related dimensions. A..

琉球群島位居日本、中國與台灣之間，是歐亞大陸及太平洋島鏈接壤之進出孔道，地理形勢堪稱十分重要。尤其自 14 世紀以來，琉球迭遭列強海權與陸權的激烈角逐，更凸顯歷史命運的發展實與其地緣政治的性格息息相關，甚而衍生至今猶須面臨「地位未定」的尷尬處境。不僅如此，琉球地位尚涉及日本、中國與台灣相關之釣魚台群島主權歸屬及東海海域劃界問題等國際爭議，並牽連東北亞整體安全保障之未來走向，誠未可等閒視之。有鑒於此，本文乃從國際法及國際政治的角度切入，試圖對琉球地位與東北亞之..

The Ryukyu Islands are a chain of islands between Eurasia and the Pacific Ocean. Because of the importance of their geographic situation, the Ryukyu Islands have become a focus where many countries compete. Until today, many regard the legal position of the Ryukyu Islands as uncertain. Moreover, the Ryukyu issue also contains the dispute of the Diaoyu Islands, (which are regarded as parts of the Ryukyu Islands by Japan) among Japan, China and Taiwan and the security of Northeast Asia. Therefore, the Ryukyu issue is an importa..

本文從香港回歸中國統治前後之歷史脈絡，分析中國領導人對於國際民主權利規範的論述建構過程及內涵，並檢視北京政府對於香港政治人權政策的相關論述中相關語言符號的運用變化情形，以進一步分析中國對於香港地區在國際人權規範的論述建構與意涵。研究發現，1997 年香港回歸以後，中國政府對香港民主權利建制的國際人權規範建構，基本上仍呈現為一種以「工具性適應」向「爭論性辯論」過渡與擺盪的建構型態。「一國兩制」方 案成為北京因應國際人權力量與國內地方區域自治權雙向要求的一種限縮..

This paper, in the context of history of Hong Kong’s returning to PRC, analyzes the construct of the PRC leaderships’ discourse on the international norms of democratic rights by reviewing the language symbols from the texts of the PRC’s political human rights policy toward Hong Kong so as to scrutinize the type and implications of PRC’s international norms constructing. It argues that, after the returning of Hong Kong to PRC, the type of international norms constructing of democratic rights that PRC t..