要探究國際關係建構主義理論的學術貢獻與影響，實有必要回歸到其肇 始之初的系絡，即是 Nicholas Onuf 與 Friedrich Kratochwil 的學術生涯發展之 中，由於 Onuf 和 Kratochwil 所受的國際法與國際關係學術訓練，致使他們 致力於以社會理論連結國際關係理論與國際法。國際關係建構主義理論也就 是肇始於他們兩人的此連結當中，進而逐漸擴展成為國際關係重要的理論或 研究途徑。 本文的主旨在比較分析 Onu..

To explore contributions and influences of constructivism, we should trace back to the career developments of Nicholas Onuf and Friedrich Kratochwil. Due to their trainings of International Law ( IL ) and International Relations(IR), they have focused on linking IR and IL with constructivism as a social theory. Constructivism originated from this linkage and had become an important theory or approach in IR. This article comparatively explores the way of linking IR and IL with social theory(constructivism)in Onuf&rs..

國際原子能總署(IAEA)所倡議之核燃料多邊化方案，試圖透過多邊化機制，設立 IAEA 核燃料銀行，集中全球核燃料的生產、供應與銷售，從而避免各國在製造和平使用目的核燃料的保護傘下，研發並製作核武級原料，增加核武擴散之風險。IAEA 核燃料循環多邊化倡議之發展，涉及一國能否取得民用核燃料之供應保證，擁有核濃縮與再處理權利，以及擁有再處理技術會否遭遇國際制約的問題。該等倡議一旦成形，即可能開啟核條約課予第三國義務之濫觴，並衝擊 NPT 締約國和平使用核能之權益..

The nuclear fuel multilateral program promoted by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) attempts to use multilateral mechanisms to establish the IAEA Nuclear Fuel Bank, in order to concentrate the worldwide production, supply and sale of nuclear fuel. The purpose of the program is to prevent countries from, under the guise of producing nuclear fuel for peaceful aims, to research, develop and manufacture weapon-grade nuclear raw materials, which increases the risk of nuclear proliferation. The development of IAEA multi..

從兩次世界大戰至今，國際政治結構與秩序發生幾次重大的轉變。集體安全制度的形成、戰爭形態的改變、以及全球化與區域化發展所帶來新的問題與威脅等，使傳統「中立」制度與觀念面臨存廢的挑戰。另一方面，實踐上，有關「中立」概念的主張與應用卻始終存在。有鑒於此，本文擬從國際政治發展的不同階段，以宏觀的角度來探討「中立」概念的源起以及法律與政策面的發展與轉變，嘗試對「中立」概念在現代國際秩序中的角色與作用進行理論和實踐的觀察與分析。 從法律層面來看，傳..

Since the two World Wars, the structure and order of international politics have undergone considerable changes. In particular, the creation of the collective security system, new forms of warfare and new problems and threats emerging from globalization and regionalization, challenge the value of “neutrality” in the new international environment. But in practice, contrary to stated facts, states continue to make use of the concept under international law or in international politics. Thus, this article tries to pr..

台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

「自決」一詞，在民主政治的發展上，主要是指人民享有選擇自己政府與統治形式的權利。而自決運動，在多元面貌的發展之下，卻是變得極為複雜而難解。國際政治與國際法在不同時空背景之下，賦予自決不同的定義與權利。而20世紀90年代以後的自決運動實踐，已經遠遠超過60年代殖民地解放運動的範圍。造成此一急遽發展，歸因於蘇聯解體與冷戰時代的結束、國際政治大環境對人權原則的重視，以及近來開放民主與自由經濟理論的提倡等三大因素。雖然當前的國際法多不願意明白承認殖民地..

Self-determination is a concept in principle, by which the people having rights to form their own state or government. However, the movement of self-determination of the 20th century is becoming a very complicated issue with various definitions under international politics and laws. Since the 1990s, the practice of self-determination movement has far exceeded the legal framework, as originally considered for the  independence of post-war colonies in the 1960s. The increasing relevance and importance of the problem in secession are due ..