本文主張新古典現實主義不宜再度檢視國內層次的眾多因素與變項，而應從實然的角度來思考國家如何評估威脅、國家如何選擇外交政策的類型。本文說明新古典現實主義並非為解決異例(anomaly)誕生，而是將非體系與理念因素納入體系理論的邏輯之中，也就是將國內層次因素解讀為決策者對壓力的反應類型，亦即決策者會評估並判斷應採取何種類型之外交政策。而根據決策者對國際壓力的知覺(perception)，以及對於國內政治的評估 (calculation)，本文整理出國家具有制衡、..

This article criticizes the inappropriateness of neoclassical realism in evaluating factors and variables at the domestic level. Instead, the manner of which states assess threats and choose types of foreign policy should be based on empirical methods. The authors explain that neoclassical realism is not a result of solving anomaly but that it combines non-structural and ideational factors into the logic of the system theory. Factors at the domestic level are supposed to be systematically categorized and simplified by types o..

法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制，法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」，臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」，何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具，探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動，以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制，在兩種制度因素的交互作用下，會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動，最終導致法國出現「左右共治」，臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..

Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..

本體論為任何研究之始，能動者 / 結構爭論為以 Waltz 為首之結構現實主義與 Wendt 為代表之建構主義在本體論層次的重要歧異點之一，為此，兩派學者自 1980 年代末黨論戰迄今。儘管本體論的問題具有政治性，不見得有終極與明確的答案，但籍由本體論的討論可以讓吾人更能瞭解兩派理論在深層假設的異同。本文在敘明能動者/結構爭論在理論發展上的重要性後，進行爭論中相關重要概念——如能動者、能動性、結構等——的闡述，除追蹤這些概念在社會學上的根源..

All research begins with ontology. The agent/structure debate represents one of the most profound discrepancies and the least conclusive contests in this regard between Structural Realism and Constructivism since the late 1980s. Though politics is the terrain of competing ontology；definite and clear-cut answers are hardly attainable, a serious discussion on ontological issues can lead us to penetrate the assumptions deeply embedded in both theories. This article first examines theoretical significances in the agent/structure debate and ..

過去以來新加坡的主權基金，由於其卓越的經營績效與成功的管理模式，被視為全球主權基金的模範生。而不論是新加坡政府投資公司析或是淡馬錫控股公司，這兩大新加坡主權基金者都建構出不同的發展與投資模式，除了相輔相成地提昇了新加坡在國際間的政治經濟實力，而且將其收益還富於民。本文透過 「相互依存」 與「經濟激勵」的角度，分析新加坡主權基金發展迄今的意義， 特別是在 2007 年美國發生次貸風暴而引發的全球金融危機後，其重要性與競爭優勢更被凸顯。但是不可諱言的是，當其資金大舉輸出與進行企業併購之後，也..

In the past, the Sovereign Wealth Funds of Singapore was viewed as a paradigm for global Sovereign Wealth Funds due to its outstanding management performance and successful management model. Regardless of Government of Singapore Investment Corporation and Temasek Holdings (Pte) Ltd, these two major Sovereign Wealth Funds constructed divergent development trajectories and investment patterns. Except for collectively improving Singapore's political-economic power around the world, they also benefited Singaporean citizens financially. Thro..

本文透過評估群眾對民主鞏固概念的認知程度，探討臺灣與東亞民主國家其人民如何形塑民主鞏固的價值體系，並比較各國之間的差異性，同時討論影響臺灣民主體制評價較低的主要原因為何。本文以影響因素的不一致性，來解釋臺灣民主評價指標表現不佳的情況，並進行臺灣與其他東亞國家的比較，針對影響壹灣民主鞏固的政治與經濟因素作用是否與其他東亞國家有所不同進行分析。在研究方法上，本文運用分量迴歸分析各國政體表現對民主鞏固評價的影響性，是否隨民主鞏固程度而有所改變，進而分析影響臺灣與東亞各國民主評價的主要因素為經濟..

Based on the evaluation of the public's degree of cognition toward the concept of democratic consolidation, this study aims to explore how the value system of democratic consolidation was shaped by the citizens of Taiwan and other countries in East Asia and compare the differences among them. This study conducts the empirical tests using the Quantile Regression Model and analyzes the impact of the sampled governments' performance on the assessment of democratic consolidation and that whether such an impact will change with the degre..