從 1950、60 年代受到政治學「行為主義革命」的影響，國際關係理論 開始嘗試建立科學的研究，「科學派」遂以「體系論」(system theory)進行 國際關係的理論化，國際關係的理論化也就成為國際體系的理論化。歷經 1960 年代只有少數國際關係學者關注國際體系理論的「相當低度發展的階 段」，1970 年代起逐漸有較多不同的學者都嘗試藉由其他學科(例如社會 學、生物學、控制學)學者的體系理論提出不同的「國際體系」理論化途 徑，1980 年代由新現實主義..

Following the behavioralism revolution of political science in the 1950– 60s, attempts for international relations(IR)theory to become scientific began with the theorization of IR through systems theory that engendered the theorization of international systems. Through an underdeveloped stage involved with only a few scholars in the 1960s, a contending stage with various approaches proposed in the 1970s, a dominated stage of neorealism in the 1980s, and to an opposite stage of constructivism and international historical..

本研究主要以新古典現實主義的研究途徑，檢視跨太平洋夥伴關係(TPP)倡議以來，日本民主黨與自由民主黨在國內與國際面向所面臨到的局勢，以此分析對政策發展的影響，並提供合適的解釋，來說明政策轉變的原因。本論文的主要研究步驟如下:首先是理論的部分，針對國際關係主要學派有關外交政策的論點進行辯證;其次，則是簡要說明 TPP 的形成背景與日本相關政策的推動;復次，進一步說明日本歷任內閣對於 TPP 的立場，並討論面臨的課題;最後，再以理論連結決策過程當中..

This paper attempts to analyze domestic and international situations faced by the Democratic Party(DP)and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)since the TPP was proposed from the neoclassical realism approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze policy development impacts and explain the necessity of policy changes. This paper will focus on (1) critical thinking of foreign policy from different major international relations theories, (2) backgrounds of TPP development ..

東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東..

The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..

自 2000 年後日本對亞太區域經濟整合與締結雙邊自由貿易協定日趨熱衷。2013 年日本正式加入由美國主導之跨太平洋夥伴協定(TPP)，象徵著其參與區域經濟整合的高峰。本文之目的在探討自 2000 年代後期以來，日本對區域經濟整合的思維與政策發展，並以日本加入 TPP 的政策制定過程為例，剖析日本政府是如何克服國內的疑慮與反對而加入此一區域自貿協定。 本文採質化研究途徑，透過訪談日本官員、利益團體與學者及分析相關文獻，以了解日本加入 TPP 政..

Since 2000, Japan has become more active in signing free trade agreements(FTA)and regional economic integration. Japan’s decision to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership(TPP)in 2013 has reached an apex of its efforts in engaging in regional integration. The goal of this paper is to explore Japan’s FTA policy and its evolution by focusing on Japan’s decision to join the TPP. This paper adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing Japanese officials, scholars, interest group..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..