國家間發生領土爭端時，常以展現或威脅使用軍事力量為主要威逼手段，若爭端國互不相讓，往往會陷入緊張的軍事對峙，隨時可能升級為全面武裝衝突。本文檢視此類不實際動武的軍事對峙，並提出兩個因素可有助緩和軍事對峙。首先，反覆僵持的爭端使雙方主動管理對峙行為，避免容易造成衝突升級的意外;再者，未定邊界或領土為雙方使用武力的緩衝地帶，針對爭議領土展示或威脅使用武力變成可理解的經常事件，對爭端國而言，爭議區域的武裝對峙或軍事行動不被視為立即的挑戰或威脅，衝突方傾向避免對峙惡..

States often make coercive threats by showing or threatening to use military force during territorial disputes. Disputants may be mired in intense military standoff if no parties would stand down in a dispute. The tense situation may escalate into armed conflicts. This article examines military standoff short of the use of force. It presents two variables that could alleviate military standoff. First, disputants will take measures to manage their conflict behavior when repeated conflicts yield no clear resolution to a territo..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

歐盟與美國所推動之跨大西洋貿易與投資夥伴協定談判，被公認是國際貿易史上最大規模與最具野心之區域貿易協定。該協定試圖為跨大西洋市場訂定共同管制標準，並處理許多議題，如確保食品安全之問題，成為媒體輿論關注之焦點。本文擬就該協定與歐美食品安全法規合作之問題進行論述，尤其針對危害分析重要管制點制度進行討論。  

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership(TTIP)currently being negotiated by the United States and the European Union is widely considered as the largest and most ambitious regional free trade agreement in the history of international trade. It attempts to establish common regulatory standards for the transatlantic marketplace, dealing with many issues such as ensuring food safety, attracting media attention and public debates. This paper discusses the TTIP agreement and the US-EU cooperation on food safety regulatio..

中國大陸(Mainland China)做為社會科學學術研究對象，隨學科變遷以及兩岸情勢發展，在各時期有不同主題。承此，本文使用主題分析工具 (CATAR)，對「中國大陸研究」期刊於 1998~2015 年刊載之論文，透過論文的篇名與摘要文字，從事主題群聚(clustering)分析，藉以辨識顯著的研究主題，及其關鍵字，並以此觀察各主題發展趨勢。結果呈現出「中國大陸研究」之 473 篇文章，可歸類為七大主題，每一主題各有關鍵字。從每個主題的發表量(包括「發表..

With the rapid development of cross-strait situation, “Mainland China” as a subject of social science studies reflects different topics in different eras. This study applies an automatic content analysis tool(CATAR)to analyze the journal “Mainland China Studies”(1998-2015)to observe research trends based on clustering of the texts from the title and abstract of each journal article. The results show that the 473 articles published by the journal are clustered into seven salient topics. By publication n..

從 1950、60 年代受到政治學「行為主義革命」的影響，國際關係理論 開始嘗試建立科學的研究，「科學派」遂以「體系論」(system theory)進行 國際關係的理論化，國際關係的理論化也就成為國際體系的理論化。歷經 1960 年代只有少數國際關係學者關注國際體系理論的「相當低度發展的階 段」，1970 年代起逐漸有較多不同的學者都嘗試藉由其他學科(例如社會 學、生物學、控制學)學者的體系理論提出不同的「國際體系」理論化途 徑，1980 年代由新現實主義..

Following the behavioralism revolution of political science in the 1950– 60s, attempts for international relations(IR)theory to become scientific began with the theorization of IR through systems theory that engendered the theorization of international systems. Through an underdeveloped stage involved with only a few scholars in the 1960s, a contending stage with various approaches proposed in the 1970s, a dominated stage of neorealism in the 1980s, and to an opposite stage of constructivism and international historical..