在聯合國教育科學文化組織《保護水下文化遺產公約》(Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, CPUCH)之架構下，所謂 「保護」，意指現地保存(in situ)，以及無法現地保存時之陸上保存。通說認為，現地保存意味著將水下文化遺產留置在海底，避免商業開發或其他非必要之干擾;此即以保護為旨趣之首要考量，僅於遭遇萬不得已之情況下，且經正當程序，認定確有打撈水下文化遺產之必要，方得捨棄現地保存選項，退而尋..

Within the framework of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH), the first option for the protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) is ‘in situ preservation,” which means UCH ought to be left on the sea floor. Shipwreck recovery activities are necessary if and only if the competent authorities require them to happen. While multiple policy instruments are used to achieve the in situ preservation, economic instruments are rarely applied. This paper starts with a short ..

自我國與美國斷交後，過去40年來，美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題，亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾，長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間，亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑，本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入，以總統決策機制為分析單元，討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色，以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數，檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..

國家間發生領土爭端時，常以展現或威脅使用軍事力量為主要威逼手段，若爭端國互不相讓，往往會陷入緊張的軍事對峙，隨時可能升級為全面武裝衝突。本文檢視此類不實際動武的軍事對峙，並提出兩個因素可有助緩和軍事對峙。首先，反覆僵持的爭端使雙方主動管理對峙行為，避免容易造成衝突升級的意外;再者，未定邊界或領土為雙方使用武力的緩衝地帶，針對爭議領土展示或威脅使用武力變成可理解的經常事件，對爭端國而言，爭議區域的武裝對峙或軍事行動不被視為立即的挑戰或威脅，衝突方傾向避免對峙惡..

States often make coercive threats by showing or threatening to use military force during territorial disputes. Disputants may be mired in intense military standoff if no parties would stand down in a dispute. The tense situation may escalate into armed conflicts. This article examines military standoff short of the use of force. It presents two variables that could alleviate military standoff. First, disputants will take measures to manage their conflict behavior when repeated conflicts yield no clear resolution to a territo..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

歐盟與美國所推動之跨大西洋貿易與投資夥伴協定談判，被公認是國際貿易史上最大規模與最具野心之區域貿易協定。該協定試圖為跨大西洋市場訂定共同管制標準，並處理許多議題，如確保食品安全之問題，成為媒體輿論關注之焦點。本文擬就該協定與歐美食品安全法規合作之問題進行論述，尤其針對危害分析重要管制點制度進行討論。  

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership(TTIP)currently being negotiated by the United States and the European Union is widely considered as the largest and most ambitious regional free trade agreement in the history of international trade. It attempts to establish common regulatory standards for the transatlantic marketplace, dealing with many issues such as ensuring food safety, attracting media attention and public debates. This paper discusses the TTIP agreement and the US-EU cooperation on food safety regulatio..