氣候變遷改變了全球氣候，也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融，改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益，以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源，紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交，意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止，三國的北極政策各自為政，甚至相互競爭，很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位，也易引起軍事緊張。事實上，三國在北極有共同的利益，這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..

Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..

本研究主要以新古典現實主義的研究途徑，檢視跨太平洋夥伴關係(TPP)倡議以來，日本民主黨與自由民主黨在國內與國際面向所面臨到的局勢，以此分析對政策發展的影響，並提供合適的解釋，來說明政策轉變的原因。本論文的主要研究步驟如下:首先是理論的部分，針對國際關係主要學派有關外交政策的論點進行辯證;其次，則是簡要說明 TPP 的形成背景與日本相關政策的推動;復次，進一步說明日本歷任內閣對於 TPP 的立場，並討論面臨的課題;最後，再以理論連結決策過程當中..

This paper attempts to analyze domestic and international situations faced by the Democratic Party(DP)and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)since the TPP was proposed from the neoclassical realism approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze policy development impacts and explain the necessity of policy changes. This paper will focus on (1) critical thinking of foreign policy from different major international relations theories, (2) backgrounds of TPP development ..

自 2000 年後日本對亞太區域經濟整合與締結雙邊自由貿易協定日趨熱衷。2013 年日本正式加入由美國主導之跨太平洋夥伴協定(TPP)，象徵著其參與區域經濟整合的高峰。本文之目的在探討自 2000 年代後期以來，日本對區域經濟整合的思維與政策發展，並以日本加入 TPP 的政策制定過程為例，剖析日本政府是如何克服國內的疑慮與反對而加入此一區域自貿協定。 本文採質化研究途徑，透過訪談日本官員、利益團體與學者及分析相關文獻，以了解日本加入 TPP 政..

Since 2000, Japan has become more active in signing free trade agreements(FTA)and regional economic integration. Japan’s decision to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership(TPP)in 2013 has reached an apex of its efforts in engaging in regional integration. The goal of this paper is to explore Japan’s FTA policy and its evolution by focusing on Japan’s decision to join the TPP. This paper adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing Japanese officials, scholars, interest group..

日本「防衛計畫大綱」的制定模式隨內外環境變化，政治菁英與官僚的政策功能不斷改變，而政官之間互動也成為影響防衛政策內容的主因。過去四期的制定模式變化從冷戰期間高度左右意識形態對立下政治菁英消極參與及官僚有限主導、冷戰後政黨脆弱共識下政治菁英有限參與及官僚有限主導、到 911 事件後內閣強力主導下官僚被動配合、與民主黨執政下的多元政治參與及官僚擔任專業幕僚，逐漸形成政官分工架構。其中，內閣與執政黨負責提供政治領導、政策方向、與政黨間共識形成;防衛官僚認知國際局勢..

The making of Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG)has been shifting from a limited bureaucratic-centric model under domestic ideological confrontation and political elites’ limited participation during and after the Cold War to the division of labor between political and bureaucratic elites during Koizumi’s “Kantei Diplomacy” and the Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)era. The Cabinet and ruling party provide political leadership, policy direction, and consensus formation in the ruling c..

Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述，但欠缺具體操作指標，學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力，提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力，轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度，共三項具體指標，指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國，說明美國對中國有貨幣權力，但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國，但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力，顯然..

Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..