隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙,歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」,並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上,歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響,已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義(Third Interregionalism)」發展;除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定,並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力,而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..
Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..
自 2000 年後日本對亞太區域經濟整合與締結雙邊自由貿易協定日趨熱衷。2013 年日本正式加入由美國主導之跨太平洋夥伴協定(TPP),象徵著其參與區域經濟整合的高峰。本文之目的在探討自 2000 年代後期以來,日本對區域經濟整合的思維與政策發展,並以日本加入 TPP 的政策制定過程為例,剖析日本政府是如何克服國內的疑慮與反對而加入此一區域自貿協定。 本文採質化研究途徑,透過訪談日本官員、利益團體與學者及分析相關文獻,以了解日本加入 TPP 政..
Since 2000, Japan has become more active in signing free trade agreements(FTA)and regional economic integration. Japan’s decision to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership(TPP)in 2013 has reached an apex of its efforts in engaging in regional integration. The goal of this paper is to explore Japan’s FTA policy and its evolution by focusing on Japan’s decision to join the TPP. This paper adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing Japanese officials, scholars, interest group..
國家安全戰略中的經濟安全層面關注之面向為掌握經濟資源管道,維持經濟繁榮與永續發展,進而保障經濟體系長期穩定成長與安全運作。韓國自 1990 年代末期啟動 FTA 戰略,作為主要的對外通商核心政策,希望透過積極參與經濟整合,提升國際地位。 本文由韓國構築 FTA 戰略之源起為背景,以韓國政府公報、官員回憶錄、美國國會之公開檔案、智庫之研究報告、國內外學者撰寫之重要期刊論文與專書以及主要媒體報導為參考素材,配合訪談參與韓美 FTA 談判之雙..
National security strategy on the economic level of concern focuses not only on controlling economic resources to maintain prosperity and sustainable development, but also ensures long-term and stable growth and safety operation in an economic system. South Korea has pushed forward the FTA strategy as its core foreign trade policy since the 1990s in order for participating in economic integration and enhancing its international status. This paper sets Korea’s FTA Strategy as the background and uses Korean gov..
1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係,在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在,迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係,但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係,不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構,探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係,進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型,嘗試分析、比較..
Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..
在美國歷史上所簽訂的 14 項 FTA 中,NAFTA 與 CAFTA-DR 最能展現總統與國會在 FTA 政策制訂上所扮演角色與影響決策的程度,故本文以此兩項 FTA 作為研究美國 FTA 決策主體的案例。研究發現,在對外政策的決策主體的三種不同的模式:總統主導模式、國會主導模式與互動模式中,總統模式最能解釋美國 FTA 政策。總統具有龐大的國內外行政資源與政黨力量,可以干預國會的決策並改變個別議員的投票傾向,在不影響 FTA 基本內涵與目的下促使國會通過..
Among all 14 FTA’s signed by the U.S. in history, NAFTA and CAFTA-DR - selected by this paper as cases to identify the entity that owns the power of dominating the U.S. FTA policy - most represent the dynamics and impacts of President and Congress on the FTA policy formation. The research shows that among the three models of decision-making entities of foreign policy - President, Congress, and Interaction, the President model best explains the decision-making of FTA policies. President controls enormous external and int..
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