中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..

民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中大勝，取代自民黨執政，然而也在 3 年後的選舉中大敗而結束政權。「民主黨政權為何失敗?」成為研究現代日本政治變動的新題材。既有的研究主要從政治主導的失敗、首相領導權的不足，以及政權公約的挫折來分析，本文則從「分立國會」的新觀點來分析，論述在「分立國會」架構下，參議院如何透過「特例公債法案」的審查，來影響民主黨政權的重要政策與政權運作。 本文研究結果發現，以往被視為眾議院輔助角色的參議院，其影響力已經不..

The Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)won a landslide victory in the election of House of Representatives in 2009, replacing the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP)as the ruling party, but abruptly terminated due to an overwhelming defeat in another election three years later. Why did the DPJ fail? This question has become a striking issue of modern political science in Japan. Existing studies mainly focus on perspectives such as defeat of political dominance, inadequacy of prime minister’s leadership, or failure of Manifesto. Th..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..

近年臺灣學界常有對「中國研究」方法與議程的改進呼聲，本文試圖介紹日本國關學界的中國研究，提供本土中國研究及發展之參考點。本文主要 討論「中國研究」在學科定位與學科史上，以什麼樣的方式演變?而在日本國際關係的主要社群中，「中國研究議程」呈現什麼樣的特色?本文以「日本國際政治學會」所編輯刊物國際政治為核心，對其中的中國研究相關論文加以分析並歸類。時間範圍是 1957-2008 年，討論二戰結束後，日本國際政治學界對於中國的研究方法、研究觀點、主要研究成果之系譜。..

Currently, there has been an increasing voice to reconsider the methodology and agenda of “China studies” within the Taiwanese academic community. With this respect, this paper introduces the China studies achieved by the Japanese academic community to support the developmental basis of China studies in Taiwan. Two questions lead the argument in this paper:(1)what is the transformation of the contemporary China studies in the Japanese international relations(IR)community? and(2)what characteristics are presented f..

混合式選制融合了多數決與比例代表兩種選制的精神，不過關於此種選制兩票架構對投票的影響，有兩種截然不同的主張:一是認為兩票各自獨立運作，其影響可以獨立估算;另一派則主張兩票抉擇會相互影響，亦即具有所謂連動效果(interaction effects，或稱感染效果 contamination effects)的存在，因此必須綜合考量兩票架構的互動關係。而在日本施行的混合選制，又因允許候選人在兩種選票間重複提名，更使得其兩票間的連動關係益形複雜。 ..

The Mixed Electoral System combines the spirits of plurality and proportional representation. The way two-ballot structure influencing the voting behavior however is not settled. Of the two distinctive schools, one believed that two ballots work separately and therefore, their influences should be estimated independently. The other group advocated the existence of contamination effects (or interaction effects), and believed that it is necessary to consider the interaction between two ballots. As for the Mixed- Member Majorita..