半總統制的設計，通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下，由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施，國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量，則在文獻上甚少探討，也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國，並從較傳統的制度面切入，來探究兩國在制度設計安排上，賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排，主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..

The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..

近年來層出不窮的天然巨災嚴重挑戰了國家的緊急災害治理能力，這也使得學界與政策社群開始高度關切國際災害治理或跨部門災害治理模式的研究。不過，相關知識生產方式大多以政策報告或技術報告呈現，較少側重於理論化的探討。就此，本文將以國際救災與減災社群的建構與協作過程為關懷，試圖理論化國際介入、國家回應與公民參與之間的協力連結，並且類型化國際、國家與地方行為者的共同治理模式。同時，藉由回顧東日本大地震的國際救災經驗，本文亦將進一步分析全球災害救援與減災網絡的機會與限制。..

Natural disastrous hazards occurred frequently in recent years, seriously challenging the state capacity of emergency governance. Accordingly, attention has been attracted to the study of disaster governance with specific focus on modalities of inter-state and inter-sectoral cooperation. Though there are piles of policy reports and technique reports concerning disaster governance, only few of them are with theoretical features. This article is aimed at theorizing the construction and collaboration of international relief and ..

過去數十年來，外來直接投資出現大幅的成長，跨國企業在經濟全球化的過程中扮演益發重要的角色。然而，跨國企業在進行海外投資時多少會遭遇到來自地主國的政治風險，而導致經營損失或人員傷亡。國際關係學界中，商業自由主義者認為，商業活動與軍事衝突環境無法相容，軍事衝突將對跨國企業的海外投資造成負面影響。對此，本文從跨國企業的角度，分析軍事衝突在跨國企業進行政治風險評估中的地位，進而主張跨國企業的產業異質性將導致不同產業的跨國企業，對軍事衝突作出不同的認知與回應。因此，迥..

Over the past decades, foreign direct investment(FDI)has grown significantly. The role of multinational corporations(MNCs)has become more important in terms of facilitating the process of economic globalization. Nevertheless, while conducting investment overseas, MNCs inevitably face the uncertainty of political risks, including militarized conflict, in host countries, which may deter MNCs’ investment and lead to decrease in FDI inflow. Based on this logic, commercial liberalism argues that commerce cannot exist in a co..

國際政治經濟學(簡稱國政經)自 70 年代開始發展以來，不僅呈現出理論(自由主義、重商主義與馬克思主義)與研究途徑(理性主義與反思主 義)的競逐，同時也有美國(American School)與不列顛學派(British School)間關於學科定位、研究議題與方法論上的差別。本文主要目的在於從三個面向來介紹及探討國政經的不列顛學派:一、為何該學派被稱為 British School?與國際關係英國學派(English School)有何差別?二、不列顛學派..

Since the 1970s, the International Political Economy(IPE)has explored various research methodologies and methods. However, the disciplinary boundary of IPE is still controversial. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the British School of IPE from three dimensions. First, why is this school called “British?” Are there differences between the British School and the English School of international relations? Secondly, British School scholars prefer to call this new discipline the” Global Political Ec..

近年臺灣學界常有對「中國研究」方法與議程的改進呼聲，本文試圖介紹日本國關學界的中國研究，提供本土中國研究及發展之參考點。本文主要 討論「中國研究」在學科定位與學科史上，以什麼樣的方式演變?而在日本國際關係的主要社群中，「中國研究議程」呈現什麼樣的特色?本文以「日本國際政治學會」所編輯刊物國際政治為核心，對其中的中國研究相關論文加以分析並歸類。時間範圍是 1957-2008 年，討論二戰結束後，日本國際政治學界對於中國的研究方法、研究觀點、主要研究成果之系譜。..

Currently, there has been an increasing voice to reconsider the methodology and agenda of “China studies” within the Taiwanese academic community. With this respect, this paper introduces the China studies achieved by the Japanese academic community to support the developmental basis of China studies in Taiwan. Two questions lead the argument in this paper:(1)what is the transformation of the contemporary China studies in the Japanese international relations(IR)community? and(2)what characteristics are presented f..