當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國，但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代，外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過，不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想，往往強調反躬自省，因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時，幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標，以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..

1960 年代末期，海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源，並且造成了周圍國家的震撼，臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是，後來為了避免國際紛爭，各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而，隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升，以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效，中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油，造成日本的強烈反應，雙方衝突不斷升級，值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因..

In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and g..

本論文目的在於，針對韓國與臺灣及中國貿易結構，探討兩岸 ECFA 對韓臺經貿關係的影響。韓國與中華民國臺灣皆是以出口為導向的國家，經濟成長主要依靠對外出口。兩國的經濟、產業結構相似、出口市場重疊，在國際市場成為競爭對手。韓、臺最大的出口市場都是中國，對中國的主要出口產品同質性高，在中國市場難免形成激烈競爭。兩岸簽署 ECFA 之後，臺灣較韓國擁有較大的價格優勢，將會削弱韓國在中國市場的競爭力，這對韓國的外貿而言，堪稱一場災難。為了渡過兩岸簽署 ECFA 的難..

The goal of this paper is to examine impact of the ECFA on economic and trade relations between South Korea and Taiwan from trade structure among three counties. South Korea and the Republic of China at Taiwan are export-oriented countries that mainly rely on economic growth by export. Both countries have become competitive on the international market as their bilateral economic and industrial structures are similar and export markets overlapping. China is both countries’ largest export market and there exist homogeneit..

激進年代學者指 1960 年代成長，而今已為耆老的知識分子。1960 年代適逢中國發生文化大革命，美國與歐洲同時爆發學潮，影響了一代學者的養成，其中不乏後來成為中國研究的專家，散布各地。本文選擇性的比較不同背景的激進年代學者，包括從捍衛中國共產主義革命到捍衛馬克思主義的美國學者馬思樂 (Maurice Meisner : 馬克思主義)、在文革前已蒞臨中國從戲曲研究轉為少數民族研究的澳洲學者馬克林 (Colin Mackerras :戲曲與少數民族)、從借用中國反抗美國帝國主義到全面反對政..

In this paper, the radical years refer to the late 1960s and the early 1970s China scholars going through the radical years in the early stage of their career witnessed both the anti-war student movements in their society and the Cultural Revolution in China. This paper selects five China scholars of the radical years to compare their strategy of adjustment in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution and into the year of reform and openness in China. They include Maurice Meisner who used to take on China as a site to develop Marxism, Colin ..

雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..