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搜尋結果 : 和"China"有關的資料, 共有203筆
中共邀訪台灣青年政策的政治影響
The Political Implications of Cross-Strait Youth Contacts: Student Visits as China's Policy to Promote Unification
耿曙(Shu Keng)曾于蓁(Jean Yu-Chen Tseng)
49卷4期(2010/09/01)

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係,對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策,試圖強化兩岸民間互動,促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流,自 2004 年以降,邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模,參與頗為熱絡,但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響,目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此,作者乃透過深度訪談,搭配以問卷分析,探討此類交流接觸經驗,能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現,參與此類活動後,台灣青年既有的刻板印象,產生相當顯著的變化,但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..

歐盟統合的多樣性路徑與對兩岸關係的政策意涵
Diverse Paths to European Integration and Policy Implications for Taiwan-China/Cross-Strait Relations
羅至美(Chih-Mei Luo)
49卷4期(2010/09/01)

本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式,並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數,本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高,其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式,英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實,持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式,兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式,最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..

This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..

入歐不脫亞?當代思想史中「日本主義」的可能性
Join Europe, Keep Asia? The Emergence of Japanism in the History of Thoughts
黃佳甯(Chia-Ning Huang)石之瑜(Chih-Yu Shih)
49卷2期(2010/04/01)

近代日本思想界總是企圖避免採用會凸顯日本的概念,一方面是對日本身在世界面前缺乏信心,二方面是身在亞洲面前會引發鄰國的猜忌。然而,在日本無法整合亞洲,但又對歐美強權追求和平的誠意與能力感到不足的時候,以日本作為一種有別於西方的和平主義身分,並不會引起亞洲的反彈或西方的排斥。本文以下刻意違反日本思想史習慣而提出的日本主義,其內涵是繞過亞洲,直接以日本作為世界性的國家,貢獻於世界性的形成,並以日本是世界上最有資格談和平與中立的民族,來反思西方、亞洲乃至於中國所代表..

Modern history of Japanese thought always avoids the notion of “Japan” as thinkers do not consider Japan a valid identity to be presented to the world led by European civilizations. If Japan were to participate, it could only participate with confidence in the name of Asia. However, this Asia approach resulted in notorious expansionist war in history. After Cold War was over, Japan’s equal partnership in the world alongside European countries has appeared certain. On the other hand, Europeanness has not achi..

日本對台決策的組織、制度與過程:以駕照相互承認之協定、FTA談判、李前總統訪日為例
Japan's Taiwan Policy, Its Organizations, Institutions, and Processes: Examples of the Agreement on the Mutual Recognition of Driver's Licenses, the Taiwan-Japan FTA, and the Visit of Former President Lee Teng-Hui in 2001
石原忠浩(Tadahiro Ishihara)
49卷2期(2010/04/01)

1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係,在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在,迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係,但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係,不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構,探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係,進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型,嘗試分析、比較..

Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..

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