本論文目的在於,針對韓國與臺灣及中國貿易結構,探討兩岸 ECFA 對韓臺經貿關係的影響。韓國與中華民國臺灣皆是以出口為導向的國家,經濟成長主要依靠對外出口。兩國的經濟、產業結構相似、出口市場重疊,在國際市場成為競爭對手。韓、臺最大的出口市場都是中國,對中國的主要出口產品同質性高,在中國市場難免形成激烈競爭。兩岸簽署 ECFA 之後,臺灣較韓國擁有較大的價格優勢,將會削弱韓國在中國市場的競爭力,這對韓國的外貿而言,堪稱一場災難。為了渡過兩岸簽署 ECFA 的難關,韓國需加速與中國簽訂 FTA。然而,基於韓國推進 FTA 戰略的順序及韓中對 FTA 談判方式及敏感領域(包括農業)的看法分歧,雙邊 FTA 談判短期內似難有成果。臺灣是韓國的第 5 大貿易夥伴,其在中國和東南亞與華商享有文化及語言上的緊密關係,經貿方面也具有密切的互動網絡。因此,隨著兩岸經貿合作領域的擴大,韓國希望與臺灣加強經貿合作,進而積極爭取中國與東南亞市場。從此一面向來看,ECFA 未嘗不是加強韓臺關係的契機。
The goal of this paper is to examine impact of the ECFA on economic and trade relations between South Korea and Taiwan from trade structure among three counties. South Korea and the Republic of China at Taiwan are export-oriented countries that mainly rely on economic growth by export. Both countries have become competitive on the international market as their bilateral economic and industrial structures are similar and export markets overlapping. China is both countries’ largest export market and there exist homogeneity of their main export items to China. Therefore both countries are in serious attempts to avoid making cutthroat competition with each other in the Chinese market. After the signing of the cross-strait ECFA, Taiwan gains a much higher price advantage than South Korea, and may weaken South Korea’s competitive position in China. This signals disaster to South Korea’s foreign trade, and surely South Korea needs to swiftly contract the FTA with China to tide over the cross-strait ECFA. However, because of South Korea’s strategic order to promote FTA and discrepancies in negotiation for sensitive areas(i.e. agriculture), FTA negotiations between two counties seem difficult to bear fruit in a short period. Taiwan is South Korea’s fifth largest economic and trade partner. Taiwan has a close relationship with China, Southeast Asia. Thus, by expansion of the cross- strait economic and trade cooperation, South Korea hopes to strengthen economic and trade cooperation with Taiwan, and then hopes to actively seek market in China and Southeast Asia. From this point of view, ECFA might be an interesting opportunity to enhance South Korea’s relations with Taiwan.
中國自1978年改革開放以來,隨著快速的工業化與城市化的發展,國家糧食安全與糧食自給率的確保一直受到高度的重視。然隨著2001年加入世界貿易組織,國際農產品貿易日趨熱絡,糧食自給率逐漸下降,因此引發一個問題,即中國糧食安全程度是否逐漸惡化?糧食安全與貿易自由化是互補關係,抑或是互斥關係?本研究利用經濟學人信息社(Economist Intelligence Unit,以下簡稱:EIU)建構的全球糧食安全指標(Global Food Security Inde..
Food self-sufficiency rate has been the major food security indicator for policy decision-making in China for a very long time. However, after reform and opening the country with increasing international trade, the self-sufficiency ratio of food has gradually decreased, which raises the question, is there a gradual deterioration of China’s food security? This study uses the Global Food Security Index (GFSI) constructed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), consisting of three sub-indexes, namely affordability, avail..
近 400 年來的歐洲,是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」,以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞,則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」,是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看,「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治,骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算,中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望,不得不臣服。但是,從建構主義式的觀點來看,之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序,並不只是因為中國的強大,也是因為區域國家認同中國的..
For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemon..
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