近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..

於2019年底爆發之COVID-19病毒大流行再度引起政治學界對於國家的政體類型與公衛治理效能兩者關聯性之關注，惟目前對於政體因素的影響力以及關於相異政體孰勝孰負的論點未見統一，故本文嘗試透過質性與量化混合的途徑重新審視此爭辯。綜合而言，以2020年為觀察年度的研究範圍中，本研究的量化分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，愈民主的國家呈現愈高死亡率之相關性。再者，本文之個案研究發現，在東亞國家的防疫過程中，非民主政體的國家展現較高的政府擴權程度，進而使這類國家的政府呈現出相對於民主國家較好之..

The COVID-19 pandemic that broke out at the end of 2019 has once again drawn the attention of political scientists to the correlation between regime types and public health governance. However, the current scholarly discourse lacks consensus on the influence of political regime factors and the comparative advantages or disadvantages among different regime types. Therefore, this paper attempts to re-examine this debate through a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. In this study, a comprehensive analysis was conducted for the year 20..

 在議會內閣制下，聯合政府內部的跨黨派委任關係帶來了代理問題，而許多學者也同意，政治制度是解決此一代理問題的重要關鍵。簡單的說，參與聯合政府的政黨 ，有充分的理由藉由不同的管理或者監督機制來避免可能的代理損失。本文首先針對聯合政府下代理問題的成因進行簡短討論，再透過相關的文獻回顧，檢視在共同治理的過程中，有哪些不同的制度可以被聯合政府內的政黨用來約束以及監督其執政夥伴的投機行為，以及這些制度的成效。最後，本文也針對此一文獻未來可能的發展方向，提出簡單的幾個建議。

While delegating policymaking power across party lines can create the principal-agent problem in multiparty governments, scholars widely acknowledge that political institutions are crucial in mitigating this issue. To avoid potential agency loss, parties in multiparty governments may employ various control mechanisms to keep tabs on their ruling partners. This paper begins by briefly discussing the causes of the delegation problem in multiparty governments. We then provide a systematic review of the current literature to demonstrate the ins..

本文試圖深入分析私權威的概念，並評析近期學界對於自願性全球標準的研究成果。本文認為，私權威的概念能對全球治理研究提供兩項重要貢獻:首先，私權威的概念挑戰了強調國際無政府狀態的傳統觀點以及以國家為中心的研究途徑。其次，私權威的概念有助於研究者以行為者導向的途徑來解釋全球治理中的變異現象。以私權威的概念作為基礎，本文疏 理了自願性全球標準的發展情勢，並以氣候債券倡議組織作為關鍵個案，評析自願性全球標準的三個研究方向:自願性全球標準的形成、自願性全球標準在形式上的變異，以及自願性全球標準的成效..

This article examines the concept of private authority and the current studies of voluntary global standards. This article argues that the concept of private authority can contribute to the study of global governance in two ways. First, the concept of private authority challenges the traditional views of international anarchy and the state-center approach. Second, the concept of private authority provides the foundation for the actor-oriented approach to explain the variation in global governance. Based on the concept of private authority, ..

2008年全球金融危機爆發，重挫跨國資本市場;既有全球金融治理機制備受質疑之餘，也開啟2008年之後繁複的治理機制改革之路。 本研究認為2008年之後的全球金融治理機制改革有三個不同的層次:從規範、制度到結構，每個層次對於治理機制改革的重點議題與運作方式與目的各有不同的掌握。規範層次與制度層次的共同點在於皆強調在既有金融治理機制的改革;二者差別在於，規範層次專注於監理內容的補強，而制度層次側重行為者之間的互動方式與關係。較諸前二者，結構..

This paper examines the reform of global financial governance mechanism after the global financial crisis in 2008. The research argues that three different levels of reform could be identified in order to get a thorough understanding of the governance reform during the last ten years, i.e. regulatory level, institutional level, and structural level, each of which assumes different causes to the financial crisis and prescriptions to the problematic governance mechanism reform. Regulatory reform supporters..