東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東..

The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..

自 2000 年後日本對亞太區域經濟整合與締結雙邊自由貿易協定日趨熱衷。2013 年日本正式加入由美國主導之跨太平洋夥伴協定(TPP)，象徵著其參與區域經濟整合的高峰。本文之目的在探討自 2000 年代後期以來，日本對區域經濟整合的思維與政策發展，並以日本加入 TPP 的政策制定過程為例，剖析日本政府是如何克服國內的疑慮與反對而加入此一區域自貿協定。 本文採質化研究途徑，透過訪談日本官員、利益團體與學者及分析相關文獻，以了解日本加入 TPP 政..

Since 2000, Japan has become more active in signing free trade agreements(FTA)and regional economic integration. Japan’s decision to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership(TPP)in 2013 has reached an apex of its efforts in engaging in regional integration. The goal of this paper is to explore Japan’s FTA policy and its evolution by focusing on Japan’s decision to join the TPP. This paper adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing Japanese officials, scholars, interest group..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..

中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..

國際系統的理論化是國際關係理論發展的關鍵階段之一，甚至有學者認為國際關係理論研究如同是(國際)系統理論化的傳統。國際關係學者從 1950、60 年代開始進行國際系統的理論化，嘗試建立科學研究的國際系統理論，不同的學者都嘗試藉由其他學科學者的系統理論(systems theory)提出不同的國際系統理論化途徑。國際關係歷史社會學學者歷經三階段的國際系統理論化途徑，第一階段引述歷史社會學學者的國際系統觀點，作為其國際系統理論化及批判新現實主義國際系統理論化的主張..

Theorization of the “international systems” is a critical stage in the development of International Relations Theory(IRT). Some IR scholars even thought that IRT is a tradition of(international)systems-theorization. Since the 1950s and 1960s, IR scholars began to theorize the “international systems” and build a scientific study on international systems theories. Many scholars tried to propose approaches in theorizing the “international systems” through system theories from other disciplines..