國際政治經濟學(簡稱國政經)自 70 年代開始發展以來，不僅呈現出理論(自由主義、重商主義與馬克思主義)與研究途徑(理性主義與反思主 義)的競逐，同時也有美國(American School)與不列顛學派(British School)間關於學科定位、研究議題與方法論上的差別。本文主要目的在於從三個面向來介紹及探討國政經的不列顛學派:一、為何該學派被稱為 British School?與國際關係英國學派(English School)有何差別?二、不列顛學派..

Since the 1970s, the International Political Economy(IPE)has explored various research methodologies and methods. However, the disciplinary boundary of IPE is still controversial. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the British School of IPE from three dimensions. First, why is this school called “British?” Are there differences between the British School and the English School of international relations? Secondly, British School scholars prefer to call this new discipline the” Global Political Ec..

本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下，政黨體系有何不同。本文發現，就國會選制而言，國會選舉採比例代表制的國家， 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家，有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數，明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言，在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中，若總統選舉採相對多數制，其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過，在國會選舉採..

This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..

跨國公民政治是國關學界在過去三十多年間開啟的新研究領域。數十年下來，學界已累積一定研究經驗與成果。為使本研究課題能更進一步深入發展，實有必要統整迄今之研究發現，有系統地了解與整理學界於此議題的發展軌跡，以便釐清其中的特點、突破與不足。本文主要目的有二，分析近年來跨國政治研究的發展脈絡，進而討論至今跨國公民政治研究的發現與局限。 本研究認為，跨國公民政治研究，在研究方法上歷經多次的典範轉移，開啟不同的研究視角，不同階段的研究發現也使跨國公..

The field of transnational civil politics have been a rapidly developing research focus in the international relations scholarship, and impressive amounts of research findings have been published during the last few decades. It is essential to review and examine the systemic development of research in the academia. This paper aims to tackle the task by reviewing and analyzing the research path of transnational civil politics studies, hoping that the discussion will not only provide an overall historical analysis of the resear..

1951 年歐洲首次在沒有流血戰爭的狀態中開始進行和平統合，此有別於歐洲歷史紛亂與戰爭的常態。從戰後、歐洲開始統合、歷經德國統一及蘇聯共產主義集團瓦解兩大地緣政治鉅變，到 2007 年歐盟最近一次擴大至今， 統合過程中，歐洲國家之間及其與美國及俄羅斯(蘇聯)的權力互動關係，以及各強權與歐洲地理空間的互動關係對歐洲統合產生重大的影響與不同的地緣政治意涵。 第二次世界大戰後，歐洲國家處於美蘇對峙複雜的權力互動關係中，資源統合、採取共同立場(..

The integration of Europe began in 1951. Within the process of integration, there were three dimensions of power interactions: the interaction among European states, the interaction among America, Russia (Soviet Union), and European states, and the interaction between great powers and the European geographical space. From the beginning of the European integration, the unification of Germany and the collapse of the Russian communist bloc, and to the latest expansion of EU, the geopolitical changes had important impacts and sig..

當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國，但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代，外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過，不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想，往往強調反躬自省，因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時，幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標，以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..