霸權擁有生產高附加價值與高科技商品的獨佔地位，加之次等國單方依賴霸權商品，塑成霸權使用非暴力的經濟脅迫（economic coercion）措施，施壓目標國，以達到「不戰而屈人之兵」的戰略、政治與經貿目標。鴉片戰爭前，清帝國多次採取「封關」等貿易脅迫措施，禁絕茶葉出口，迫使英國等互市外夷屈服讓步，強化清帝國的經濟脅迫習慣（habit）。國際關係與外交決策的觀點，多批判清政府決策菁英的自大無知，或是強調滿清政權的朝貢制度天朝思維，而少有省思，清政府採取「封關」脅迫措施的決策過程，以及造成清..

Hegemons possess a monopolistic position in producing high-value-addedand high-tech goods, coupled with the unilateral dependence of subordinate states on these products. This dynamic enables hegemons to employ non-violent economic coercion to pressure target states, achieving strategic, political, andeconomic objectives aligned with the principle of “winning without fighting”. Before the Opium War, the Qing Empire frequently adopted trade coercion measures, such as “closing borders”, to ban tea exports and force..

國際關係理論是與現實的國際政治高度聯結的，此一現象在當今表現地極為明顯。美國與中國的戰略競爭召喚著能夠掌握與回應現況的國關理論，其中尤以「權力轉移」和「歷史與國關」兩類文獻最具有解釋力與發展性。本文從權力轉移理論的核心論點與適用的範圍條件切入，接著聚焦於此一理論的兩個關鍵變項：權力差距與挑戰者對現狀的滿意程度，並延伸到戰爭的爆發條件與對理論的挑戰，最後是討論崛起國與支配性強權的新興理論框架。在這一部份又分為三個部分：崛起國對支配性強權的策略選擇、支配型強權對於崛起國的策略選擇，和崛起國與..

International relations theories are always closely connected to real world international politics. This connection between theory and reality is particularly pronounced in today’s world. The strategic competition between the US and the PRC stimulates IR theories that can grasp and respond to the international reality. Among those the “Power Transition Theory” and “History and IR approach” are of the greatest explanatory potential. This paper begins with the core arguments and applications of the power transiti..

現有國際關係對於霸權的已有論述，大多試圖描述國際體系出現逐霸國家的原因，卻少有探索逐霸國家的行為策略，對於逐霸國家如何克服各種挑戰，組建層級霸權秩序，尚未提出具體的分析模型。本文擬填補逐霸理論空白，概念化逐霸國家行為，提出逐霸分析架構，觀察逐霸國家在逐霸過程中如何克服競逐資格，地位汰除，以及新層級秩序組建的三大挑戰。戰國時代秦國先後淘汰魏國、楚國與齊國等逐霸競爭對手的歷程，是本文的研究樣本。公元前356年秦孝公變法改革，秦國強固內部統治權威，運用內部權力成長途徑（Internal Pow..

Existing International Relations Studies’ arguments on the hegemony are mostly satisfied with describing the birth of hegemon in the international system, but rarely explored its behavior and strategies for obtaining the supreme status of hegemony. There is no specific research framework for exploring how the aspiring hegemon overcomes challenges and establishes a hierarchical hegemonic order in the international society. This paper intends to fill the theoretical gap of hegemony studies, conceptualizes aspiring hegemon’s behavi..

2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊，在此之後，各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連，整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時，美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法，是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..

As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..

本文檢視在後冷戰時代石油美元機制對美國霸權之影響，並關注美國領導地位在 1991 年波灣、2003 年伊拉克與 2011 年利比亞等戰爭中的角色。在處理國際事務中，美國霸權逐漸採行單邊行動，因而產生合法性危機之質疑。因此自 1990 年以來，美國便宣稱願意承擔昂貴之經濟成本與犧牲其國家之利益，以便與他國建立聯盟共同對抗流氓國家之威脅。美國能以維繫穩定之國際經濟秩序，與贏得反恐作戰之合法性名義發動先制戰爭。為了理解這一看似非理性之行為，根基於 Pierre B..

This paper explores the impact of petrodollar mechanism on the hegemony of the United States in the post-Cold War era. It particularly focuses on the two wars against Iraq respectively in 1991 and in 2003 and the Libyan war in 2011, all under the leadership of the U.S. The U.S. hegemony has been experiencing a legitimacy crisis caused by its increasing tendency towards unilateral actions in international affairs. In order to form alliances among Western nations to confront the rogue states, the U.S. government has demonstrate..