歷經近四十年的兩岸交流，究竟對兩岸關係產生了何種變化與影響？本文將從學習（learning）理論來剖析兩岸民間交流的過程與結果，並檢視自從兩岸開放交流後彼此關係的變化與所面臨的侷限。本文採取案例研究分析中國大陸在經濟發展、農村社區營造方面向臺灣學習的經驗，以及臺灣在直播帶貨、短影音方面向中國大陸學習的經驗。本文發現國內政治因素是影響兩岸交流的最主要因素，特別是中國大陸對臺灣的「選舉式民主」以及臺灣對中國大陸社群媒體傳播的疑慮，使得兩岸交流仍停留在「簡單學習」與「負面學習」的階段，因此無法..

What changes and impacts have brought to the cross-strait relationship after 40 years of exchanges? This article uses learning theory to analyze the processes and outcomes of people to people exchanges; it also examines the transformations and limitations in cross-strait relationship since the opening of exchanges. Using case studies, the article explores China’s experiences of learning from Taiwan in economic development and rural community building, as well as Taiwan’s experiences of learning from China in livestream e-commerc..

我國於2024年1月，舉行了第16屆總統、副總統，以及第11屆立法委員的選舉。選舉結果，民進黨提名「賴蕭配」，以相對多數贏得總統，但民進黨在國會以一席之差落居第二大黨，由國民黨取得國會最大黨的地位。這個選舉結果出現了兩個爭議，其一是總統因三強鼎立，再次出現得票未過半的結果；其二是國會出現「矛盾多數」，國民黨無論是區域的黨籍立委或是不分區，得票都是落後給民進黨，卻在轉換為席次之後，成為國會第一大黨。由於總統應選名額只有一個，結果必然是贏者全拿，因此會有相對多數但不及於絕對多數的勝出，可能導..

Taiwan has held the 16th presidential and 11th legislative elections in January 2024. The election result saw Lai Ching-te winning the presidency with a plurality. However, the DPP lost the majority in the Legislative Yuan. This election result sparked two controversies: Firstly, the president was elected without an absolute majority due to the three-party competition; Secondly, the legislature experienced a “contradictory majority” situation, where the KMT, despite trailing behind the DPP in both regional and party list votes, ..

美中兩國國防部長於2022年香格里拉會議時，曾就臺灣海峽是否為國際水域有不同的詮釋方式。本文主要以灰色地帶為視角，透過文獻與比較分析法，檢視中共對臺灣海峽海域相關的國內法、最高法院的司法主張、軍事演習，以及於臺灣海峽內執法的國家實踐，其主張背後之目的為本文探討重點。研究發現：首先，中共灰色地帶戰略呈現相互依存性：一為「法律領域的灰色地帶戰略」，藉由詮釋《聯合國海洋法公約》所賦予沿岸國的部分管轄權，透過模糊化的國內法與司法解釋，建立符合自身利益的法理基礎；二為「國關領域的灰色地帶戰略」，透..

The United States and China are currently engaged in strategic competition. During the 2022 Shangri-La Dialogue, the two states’ defense ministers expressed differing interpretations regarding whether the Taiwan Strait constitutes international waters. This paper adopts a “Gray Zone” perspective, using literature and comparative research methods to examine China’s domestic laws, Supreme People’s Court judicial claims, military exercises, and law enforcement actions within the Taiwan Strait. It examines the ..

歐盟「規範性權力」（Normative Power）概念源自歐盟東擴計畫，檢視歐盟堅持普世價值並藉以推行各項對外政策成果，多著眼於法政與自由貿易協議而產業政策較為少見，因為歐盟產業政策本是新近議題。本文建構一個歐盟同時追求既有價值原則，同時面對近期經濟安全去風險趨勢與追求經濟繁榮的「不可能三角」理論，說明目前面對地緣政治與供應鏈變動衝擊，兼以成員國立場不一致下，堅持「規範性權力」推行普世價值難度增加，將提升歐盟政策選擇的不確定性。我們以臺灣製造業上市櫃公司問卷結果進行驗證，證明歐盟以價值..

“Normative Power” originates from the EU's enlargement, emphasizing the commitment to universal values and its achievements in implementing various foreign policies. This concept mainly focuses on legal-political matters and free trade agreements, while industrial policy is less prominent, as it is a relatively recent issue for the EU. This paper constructs a theoretical framework of the “impossible trinity,” wherein the EU simultaneously pursues its established value principles, addresses recent trends in econom..

本研究目的在建立美國傳統戰略模糊與臺灣避險策略間之理論關聯性。主要假設當臺灣從美國獲得較多且明確之安全承諾時，將可能更依賴美國安全保護傘，進而降低自身制定外交政策之自主與靈活性。過去數十年，華盛頓持續且長期的安全承諾，即有可能限制臺灣的避險策略選擇。本研究的實證證據，主要探討川普與拜登政府任內，華府戰略模糊逐漸轉變為戰略清晰下，臺北在美中兩強之間的外交政策。此外，藉由將避險的理論「模型化」，並區別避險與樞紐的關係，是本文另一個研究貢獻。

The study aims to establish a theoretical connection between strategic ambiguity and hedging policy. The assumption is that as Taiwan receives more security assurance and clarity from the United States, it may rely more on the U.S. security umbrella, reducing its autonomy and flexibility in crafting its foreign policy. Over time, consistent and prolonged security commitments from the United States could limit Taiwan’s hedging options, as it increasingly aligns with the U.S. position. The empirical evidence in this article explores how..